Harold Arrives at Stamford

After the Battle of Fulford, Harald Hardrada and Tostig took York with no trouble. Neither side wanted bloodshed or destruction of a town that they wished to have remain intact. The two sides agreed that they would have representatives meet the next day, 25 September, at Stamford to discuss how York would be managed under the new rulers.

On that day, Tostig and Hardrada left one-third of their forces guarding their ships; the rest went to Stamford for the meeting, about 10 miles away. It was also a space where the armies could settle for a little while, preparing the next phase of conquering England. The invaders saw no reason to hurry, since King Harold Godwinson was 190 miles south, guarding the shores in fear of the rumored invasion by Duke William of Normandy.

Harold had learned of Tostig and Hardrada's arrival even before Fulford, however, and knew he could not deal with war on two fronts. The northern problem had to be dealt with, and swiftly. In a feat that is probably unmatched in the history of warfare, Harold's army gathered from the shores and marched northward, achieving 190 miles in four days! He arrived one day after York had surrendered and the invaders had retired to its respective places. When Tostig and Hardrada and two-thirds of their forces prepared on 25 September to meet with the representatives from York, they were only lightly armored.

Seeing the English army approaching and dressed for battle, Hardrada quickly tried to arrange his men. The ensuing battle is called the Battle of Stamford Bridge because of a legend that a single large Norwegian held up the English forces at the bridge in Stamford (the illustration is of a modern bridge in Stamford). This allowed the Norwegian forces to prepare for battle.

It didn't matter: they were beaten decisively. Tostig was killed. Hardrada was killed by an arrow through the throat. A Norwegian noble named Eystein Orre, who was betrothed to Hardrada's daughter (with the non-Norwegian name) Maria, had been left to guard the ships. A messenger brought the news of the attack, and he and the rest donned their armor and rushed to Stamford. Supposedly they ran so fast that many of them collapsed and were no use in the fight, but the new arrivals were at least dressed for battle. Eystein picked up Hardrada's fallen standard and led a counter-attack. Eystein himself was quickly killed, at which the rest of the Norwegians fell into disarray and fled.

Harold had no time to deal formally with the Norwegians. They were allowed to depart to Norway. Tostig's sons went to Norway. Tostig's local allies from Scotland simply went home, as did Hardrada's allies from the Orkneys.

The Battle of Stamford Bridge took place on 25 September. Three days later, Duke William of Normandy landed at Pevensey on the south coast of England. We all know the battle of Hastings took place on 14 October. What was happening in the three weeks between those dates? Let's talk about that next time.

The Battle of Fulford

The former earl Tostig, brother of King Harold Godwinson of England, wanted revenge for being deposed and exiled for his bad behavior. He finally found an ally with an army in King Harald Hardrada of Norway, to whom Tostig offered the throne of England. The two landed in the north of England in late summer 1066.

Their first target was the territories of the Earls Morcar and Edwin, two men whose local forces had turned back Tostig when he attempted his solo return to England not long before. Harald stopped at the Orkneys to gather allies and supplies, then landed in England and joined up with Tostig, who had some ships and soldiers with him. Their first target was York.

Edwin and Morcar had brought their forces to bear, but they were in a difficult position. The River Ouse was on their right, and on their left was a swampy area called the Fordland. This also left Harald with the high ground.

Estimates are that the Norwegian army numbered about 6000 to the English 5000. There were heavy casualties on both sides.

The English attacked first; Harald's forces had not all arrived, and in fact his weaker battalions were first at the front. The English looked successful at first, but then the stronger and fresher battalions arrived. Although Harald was outnumbered, he was able to push the English back. More and more Norwegian troops were arriving g, adding fresh fighters to the battle against the tiring English. The English were finally defeated, although Edwin and Morcar survived.

York surrendered to the invaders, on the condition that the Norwegians would not force their way into the city.Tostig probably arranged this, since he wished to take over the city himself and would not want it looted. Hostages from York were arranged, and the Norwegian army went seven miles east to Stamford Bridge where they could make camp and rest.

King Harold in the south then decided to pull his armies from the coast and march them north as fast as possible to deal with the threat of his brother Tostig. Within a week of the Battle of Fulford—a remarkably short span of time—he surprised the Norwegians at Stamford Bridge. That story is for next time.

Harald Hardrada and Tostig

While William in Normandy was preparing to take over England after the death of Edward the Confessor and the coronation of Harold Godwinson, King Harald III "Hardrada" of Norway decided to attack England himself. Harald had a dream of re-creating Cnut's North Sea Empire, but Denmark resisted Harald's frequent raids on the Danish coast. He had all but given up this dream when a new player entered the scene: Tostig Godwinson.

That's Tostig in the illustration, brawling with his brother Harold at Edward's court. Their sibling rivalry and violent nature didn't end when they got older. Tostig became the Earl of Northumbria in 1055 at the death of Earl Siward. Northumbria was home to Anglo-Saxons and settlers from Danish invasions. He was not well-liked by either group because of his heavy-handed manner. Also, he was from the south, and the cultures of north and south were very different and led to mistrust. Moreover, King Malcolm III "Canmore" of the Scots to the north was a friend of Tostig, and he was negligent in the face of Scots raids over the border. All these points plus heavy taxation to pay for mercenaries when he needed soldiers (because the locals did not readily volunteer when he made the call) led to a general uprising.

Yorkshire rose up against him and declared him outlaw. Edward was still king, and sent Tostig's brother Harold (by then Edward's right-hand man) to negotiate with the rebels. Harold realized the situation was too untenable for Tostig to remain in power. Harold returned to Edward and advised him to agree to the rebels' demands and depose Tostig. Having Tostig remain the country would not be advisable, so he was exiled.

Tostig and his family and a few loyal retainers went to Baldwin V of Flanders, who gave him some ships and men for support. He then went to Normandy, but William wanted nothing to do with him. After Edward's death in January 1066, Tostig sailed to the Isle of Wight, taking money and provisions and trying to establish a base from which he could get back into the country, but he sailed away when Harold (now king) sent troops down there. Tostig then sailed northward to raise Norfolk and Lincolnshire but was defeated decisively by the earls Morcar and Edwin. His supporters abandoned him, and he went to Scotland to spend the summer with King Malcolm.

At some point he contacted Harald Hardrada, either by message or by sailing to Norway, and invited Harald to take the throne of England. Their first foray in September led to the Battle of Fulford, in which Tostig wanted revenge against Edwin and Morcar. Let's take a look tomorrow at how that went.

William Prepares to Conquer

With the change of reign in England in 1066, Duke William of Normandy saw his opportunity to become king of a country, believing that it was promised to him.

Edward died in early January, and mounting an invasion in winter, specially if one has to cross the English Channel, was not advisable. Besides, invasions take time to assemble, even if you do not have to provision them because you expect to find food once you enter the new country. It was also important to William to gain moral support in the form of a papal blessing.  William of Poitiers claimed that Pope Alexander's consent came along with a papal banner that could be carried by the army; however, Alexander's consent seems to have come after the conquest was complete. William of Poitiers also claimed that the duke had support from Holy Roman Emperor Henry IV (not likely, since Henry was still only 15), and King Sweyn II of Denmark (also unlikely, since Denmark had problems with Norway and Harold of England was an ally of Denmark's in that regard).

William had months to bring together troops from Normandy, France, Brittany, and Flanders. They were all instructed to gather at Saint-Valery-sur-Somme, a seaport on the River Somme estuary. (Joan of Arc was held there before being taken to Rouen to be burned.) The summer months also included a ship-building campaign.

His numbers of men and ships was likely exaggerated by contemporary chroniclers, but for the sake of argument, let's relate that he was said to have 726 ships (including one paid for and outfitted by his wife, Matilda). Those same writers also claim different numbers for soldiers, as high as 150,000; also, as low as 14,000.  Modern estimates reduce those numbers to maybe 7000-8000 men, of whom 1000 or more were cavalry. The others were archers and foot soldiers.

All his pieces were in place by August, but he delayed the crossing. The assumption is that Harold knew William was planning an invasion and hd troops all along the coast. There would be no surprise attack.

Help for William came from an unlikely source: Harald Hardrada, King of Norway. No, Harald was not an ally of William's or offering support. Harald wanted England for himself, so he attacked in the north, drawing King Harold Godwinson's troops away from the south.

For details on how that went, come back tomorrow.

Edward's Death Leads to Turmoil

When Edward the Confessor died on 5 January 1066, he supposedly made a deathbed statement committing his kingdom into the care of Harold Godwinson, his wife's brother. As the most powerful man in England after the king, he was a natural choice. Whether Edward actually made that statement or not, the witenagemot, the group of wise men who counseled the king, approved Harold as king. He was crowned on the same day Edward was buried. (Some say he crowned himself, as in the illustration.)

When word reached Duke William of Normandy across the English Channel, the response was understandably extreme: William claimed that Edward had named him his heir years earlier. If that happened, perhaps William visited Edward when Edward had exiled the Godwins (and would not have considered a Godwin as his heir), but if so it might not have been that serious an offer. Edward and William were first cousins—William's grandfather was Richard II of Normandy, brother of Emma of Normandy, Edward's mother—and so there was an argument for William being in the line of succession.

Supposedly Harold himself had sworn on a saint's relics two years earlier to recognize William as king of England after Edward, after William saved Harold from capture by Guy of Ponthieu.

William was incensed. The report that Harold had broken a vow made on holy relics was so significant that it enabled William to procure the pope's blessing to depose Harold and take the throne. (Of course, William might have had help: Pope Alexander II was a former student of Lanfranc, who had been first an enemy and then a supporter of William and was not above exercising his influence on his former pupils.) The fact that William's army marched under a papal banner and blessing would have had a demoralizing effect on Harold's forces.

Worse than the psychological effect, however, would have been physical exhaustion. The stories we hear in our grade-school history books about 1066 leave out a third party: Harald Hardrada.

Harald Hardrada, King of Denmark and Norway, also believed he had a claim to England, since Danes had ruled it in times past. Harald landed in the north of England in September of 1066 with 300 longships, 15,000 men, and King Harold's brother, Tostig. On September 20 he defeated the first English forces he encountered. King Harold, however, met Harald five days later at the Battle of Stamford Bridge. Once Harold's forces managed to cross the bridge, he killed Harald and Tostig and defeated the army so soundly that only 24 ships survived to flee back to Denmark. This was not an easy battle, however, and the standoff at Stamford Bridge alone supposedly cost Harold about 20 of his best warriors and closest companions. See more here and here.

...and while Harold's army was recovering from their hard-won battle, the message arrived that William's fleet had arrived at Hastings, 300 miles away. The army (not recovered from their battle) had to march quickly south and meet William's fresh forces who had had plenty of time to prepare their defenses and pick the battle site. Who knows what would have happened if Harold's forces had been able to meet William's while at full strength? The years following the Battle of Hastings in 1066 are well-known, but history books too often leave out the crucial three weeks prior to the battle, when Harold and his English army performed herculean tasks to defend their shores.

If Edward died 5 January and Hastings took place in October, what was William doing for ten months? I'll tell you next time.

A Question of Rule in England

In 1051, when King Edward the Confessor was inviting more friendly Normans to join him in England, Duke William of Normandy visited. According to records made after 1066 but before William's death in 1087, William reported that Edward (who was celibate and would have no heirs of his own) told William that William would be his heir to the throne of England.

In 1064 (two years before Edward the Confessor's death), Harold Godwinson (later King Harold; the most powerful lord in England after the king; his sister was married to Edward) was shipwrecked off the coast of Normandy and held captive by Count Guy of Ponthieu. (Note: This is about the only reason why anyone studying history cares about Guy of Ponthieu, but this incident was important enough to justify William's invasion that Guy makes it onto the Bayeux tapestry; that's Guy in the illustration.) Duke William of Normandy told Guy to release him; this was done, and Harold was returned to England, but only after swearing on holy relics that he would recognize William as his king in the future.

This is according to reports written long after the fact by William's chroniclers. No English source relates this arrangement, and the two Norman sources are probably relating it solely to justify what happened in 1066.

When Edward died in 1066, Harold claimed that Edward had made a deathbed pronouncement, naming Harold his heir.

There was also a third claimant to the throne, although the least convincing. King Harald Hardrada of Norway and Denmark believed that he was the proper heir, because Danes had conquered England so many times in the past. A tenuous claim, but strengthened by the fact that he was supported by Tostig, the brother of Harold Godwinson! (Ahh, the days when sibling rivalry had higher stakes!)

The problem with all these claims?

In primarily Anglo-Saxon England, the next king was chosen by the witenagemot, the meeting of wise men. Kings might name a successor, but the witanagemot was needed to approve a ruler.

So who pressed their claim?

All of them.

William's reaction and the events that followed were predictable, but I'll tell you about them anyway tomorrow.

William and Matilda

William wanted to marry the daughter of Baldwin V of Flanders, Matilda, in 1049, but Pope Leo IX did not approve. William was illegitimate (his mother was his father's mistress), and the two were cousins close enough to offend the concerns of consanguinity.

Flanders was a very powerful French territory, so the marriage would actually do more for William's status than Matilda's. According to some stories, Matilda saw this and said she would never marry someone of such lower status, whereupon William road to Bruges, and either 1) forced his way into her bedroom and beat her, or 2) met her on the road, dragged her from her horse by her hair, and "courting her" in the mud. Here father was outraged, but was stayed from getting revenge by Matilda saying she would marry William or no one.

What kind of man was he? The only surviving piece of him is a femur, from which the height of 5'10" can be deduced. This would make him tall for his time. He was considered a great fighter and very strong, able to draw bowstrings that others could not. A contemporary, Geoffrey Martel, Count of Anjou, says he was without equal as a fighter and horseman. Although considered greedy and cruel by contemporaries, he was also praised for his piety.

William turned to the abbot of Bec, Lanfranc, for help with the pope. Lanfranc also opposed the marriage, so William exiled him from Normandy, but at the last minute forgive him if Lanfranc would take on the task of convincing the pope to relent. A pope finally approved the marriage some time in the 1050s, but it was probably post-ceremony: William and Matilda had gone ahead and married without papal approval, it is assumed. One of the persuasions that supposedly worked to get the pope on their side was the founding of two monasteries, one by the groom and one by the bride.

The union produced four sons and several daughters. There is no inkling that William had mistresses on the side. As a mother, she made sure all her children were well-educated.

He trusted Matilda to rule when he was absent, and she was involved in many of the affairs of state. The illustration shows both of their signatures on the Accord of Winchester, which established the primacy of the Archbishop of Canterbury over the Archbishop of York. (It did not go over well with everyone.) After he went to England (and she bought a ship with her own money to contribute to the invasion), she stayed in Normandy until 1068, waiting to be crowned Queen of England until it could take place at Pentecost (11 May 1068). Phrases were added to the ceremony elevating queenship to be equal to kingship in terms of divine authority.

In the summer of 1083 she fell ill, and died on 2 November. William swore to give up hunting (his favorite pastime) as an expression of grief. She was buried under the floor at l'Abbaye aux Dames in Caen. When her skeleton was examined in 1959, it was determined that she was 5' in height, a typical stature for the day.

And now we turn to an earlier moment, when a member on England's royalty visited William and, perhaps, made him a promise.

William's Family

Despite his youth when succeeding his father, despite the turmoil in Normandy, William worked hard to rule Normandy properly and make it a unified duchy. His Truce of God was one smart policy, limiting the opportunities for warfare in the context of religion.

Some of his support in political matters came from family members. His mother's brother, Walter, was one of William's protectors during his minority. His half-sister, Adelaide (by a different mistress of Robert's), was married to Enguerrand II, Count of Ponthieu, giving William a powerful ally in upper Normandy (for a time: there were questions of legitimacy of the marriage that became too complex a story for right now). Of course his great-uncle Robert, Archbishop of Rouen, was a powerful support, though only for a couple years until his death.

After his father's death, his mother Herleva married Herluin de Conteville; he was a minor landowner on the banks of the Seine, and the title probably came to him from William after marrying Herleva. They had two sons, Odo and Robert. Odo became Bishop of Bayeux (and was involved in various matters here and here and here) and was one of William's most loyal and relied-upon supporters as well as one of the individuals specifically portrayed on the Bayeux Tapestry (he probably commissioned it). William's other half-brother, Robert of Mortain, was also one of the few individuals known to fight at the Battle of Hastings. In the Domesday Book, he is listed as one of the greatest landholders with 797 manors in his name. All this despite William of Malmesbury's description of him as a man crassi et hebetis ingenii ("of stupid & dull disposition"). (The illustration above shows William on the Bayeux Tapestry, flanked by Odo gesturing and Robert with a sword.)

William had some second cousins, descended from Gunnor, his great-grandfather's mistress/second wife. The three—William fitzOsbern, Roger de Beaumont, and Roger of Montgomery—became such powerful landowners in England and advisors to William that the speculation by Orderic Vitalis that William in his perilous minority was "hidden" among peasants to keep him safe from enemies may have arisen from his absence from court because he was with these distant cousins for safety. He certainly felt close to them and rewarded them greatly once he took over England.

Of course, the most important relative in one's life is one's spouse. William found his spouse in Matilda of Flanders, daughter of Baldwin V with whom William's father had a bit of a clash. Clearly that conflict was over with, but there were more issues with the union, issues that did not prevent the marriage. Let's look at William and Matilda tomorrow.

William the Bastard

When Robert I of Normandy died in 1035, while returning from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, the rule of Normandy passed to his seven- or eight-year-old son, William. William had a rocky start to his reign, and not just because he was young. William's mother was Herleva of Falaise, Robert's mistress. William's illegitimacy was a problem for some, and his mother's supposed humble origins also raised eyebrows.

He had the support of his great-uncle, the Archbishop of Rouen, Robert. Also, King Henry I of France, to whom Normandy owed fealty, supported William. Against him were his cousin Guy of Burgundy (son of his father's sister Alice), and two other uncles, Mauger and William of Talou, whose father was Richard II but whose mother was Richard II's second wife, a different wife from whom William was descended.

William's uncle Archbishop Robert died in 1037, and Mauger (who was only 18) was named Archbishop of Rouen. He was not supportive of William. This change removed one of William's strongest supporters, and political turmoil followed, culminating in Mauger's brother William of Talou forming a rebellion in 1053; this failed, and the rebel uncle fled to Boulogne. Because they were brothers, suspicion fell on Mauger, who was deposed as archbishop and exiled to the Isle of Guernsey. A Norman poet, Wace (1100-1174) collected stories of Mauger's life many years later, claiming that Mauger had made a pact with the devil, had gone mad, and drowned.

Earlier problems arose when another guardian of William, Alan of Brittany (son of Richard II's sister Hawise) died in 1040. His replacement as guardian of the young duke was Gilbert of Brionne, who was killed by enemies within months along with another guardian, Turchetil. Another guardian, Osbern, was killed in the early 1040s. These stories come to us from Orderic Vitalis, who wrote that Herleva's brother Walter would hide the young duke in peasant's huts. What is true is that three of William's more distant cousins became some of the most powerful magnates in England after 1066 (including the first Earl of Shrewsbury and the first Earl of Hereford), so it is possible that Orderic's report is born from William being kept far away from the traditional ducal seat and sheltered with the cousins.

King Henry of France sheltered William when he had to escape the attempt by his cousin Guy of Burgundy and others to capture him in 1046. In 1047 Henry with William fought the Battle of Val-ès-Dunes (see illustration for a monument marking the spot) that more decisively put William in power, although there were still battles to be fought and won. It was at this time that William declared the Truce of God in Normandy, in an attempt to limit opportunities for battle. Conflicts in Normandy existed almost constantly until about 1060.

There is so much more to William's career than the events of 1066 and following. Tomorrow we'll look deeper into the man and his attempts to unify Normandy.

Robert I of Normandy

Robert I of Normandy's father, Richard II, had made an alliance with England by marrying his sister Emma to King Æthelred. When Cnut attacked England, killing Æthelred, his and Emma's sons Edward and Alfred Ætheling took refuge in Normandy.

The Gesta Normannorum Ducum ("Deeds of the Norman Dukes") by William of Jumièges tells us that Robert put together a fleet to attack England, but the winds were against him, causing much of his fleet to go off course or sink. Robert himself landed in Guernsey. Cnut sent ambassadors to him, offering half the kingdom to Edward and Alfred. Weighing this option—war for all of England versus half of England and peace—Robert decided to postpone his decision until after a pilgrimage.

Robert had been at odds with the Church ever since he first came to power and exiled his uncle, the Archbishop of Rouen, for siding with Robert's brother during Robert's attempted coup. His attitude had changed over the years, however, and he restored the properties he had taken from Fécamp Abbey.

A pilgrimage to Jerusalem was not an easy journey, and for a ruler to do so meant making sure everything at home was secure. Robert had nor formally married, but he had a mistress, Herleva of Falaise, by whom he had a son, William. An anonymous chronicler of Tours claims Robert and Herleva were joined in marriage some time after the birth of their son, but that did not mean that William's sobriquet of "the Bastard" went away. Orderic Vitalis, later contributing to the Gesta mentioned above, wrote that William was born about 1026/7.

Lacking any other heir, Robert named William his successor and left for Jerusalem by way of Constantinople. On his return journey, he fell ill and died at Nicaea on 2 July 1035. William the Bastard was eight years old. William of Malmesbury claimed Robert was poisoned, but that was the usual suspicion any time a young man (especially a ruler) died suddenly. There was no reason to believe anyone on the pilgrimage wanted Robert poisoned.

William the Bastard became Duke William II of Normandy, and about 30 years after succeeding his father in Normandy, he would change England, Western Europe, and the English language. First, however, he had to survive a decade of challenges to his legitimacy. I'll talk about that tomorrow.

The Lucky Usurper

How lucky is it that the duke whose duchy you want to appropriate defeats you, allows you to live if you pledge loyalty to him, then dies almost immediately miles away from you when no one can blame you? And you were raised in the ruler's household, so you know how things work? It all happened to one lucky younger brother.

Robert the Fearless tried to take over the Duchy of Normandy when his father, Richard II, died in 1026. Unfortunately, it went to his older brother, Richard III. Fortunately, Richard was the forgiving type, so he forgave the rebellion and then promptly died so that Robert got what he wanted anyway. Richard had it for 49 weeks. Robert got to hold the position for eight years.

Robert was now in charge, but his rebellion had lasting effects. The two brothers' factions still squabbled over whether Robert was considered a legitimate ruler. Robert's uncle, Archbishop Robert of Rouen and Count of Evreux, had supported Richard during the rebellion. Duke Robert decided to assemble an army against his uncle, forcing him to leave Normandy. He also attacked his cousin, the Bishop of Bayeux Hugo III d'Ivry, banishing him from Normandy. Robert also fell afoul of the Church further when he seized some church properties belonging to Fécamp Abbey, which was long connected to his family.

Apparently not being satisfied unless he was causing or involved in conflict, he promised military support to Count Baldwin IV of Flanders. This had a more noble reason: Robert's sister Eleanor was married to Baldwin IV. This Baldwin was driven from Flanders by his son, Baldwin V. Robert I's involvement made King Robert II of France persuade Baldwin V to make peace with his father in 1030.

When Robert II of France died in 1031, his (third) wife, Queen Constance, wanted her son Robert of Burgundy to succeed to the throne. King Robert had intended his elder son Henry to succeed him. Robert of Normandy got involved by sheltering Henry (unironically favoring the older brother and designated heir, as opposed to his own case). When Henry assumed the throne of France as Henry I, he rewarded Robert with the Vexin, an area between Rouen and Paris. (Incidentally, Robert's great-great-grandfather Rollo made several attempts to conquer that territory.)

Beyond the continent, he had interactions with England that are worth talking about...next time.

Succession Problems

Richard II of Normandy had several children, and used them as instruments of policy to make alliances by marrying them to important people. His wife was Judith, daughter of Count Conan I of Brittany. Richard II's sister Hawise had married Judith's brother Geoffrey, who became Duke of Brittanny. This "double marriage" tie linked Normandy and Brittany very firmly.

Richard's eldest child, Richard, would succeed his father.

Alice, born c.1003, lived until she was 35 and bore a few children to Count Reginald I of Brittany (another Brittany link).

Robert was born 22 June c.1005-7. Known also as Robert the magnificent, he would have his own chance to be duke.

William entered Fécamp Abbey and died young.

Eleanor was married to Count Baldwin IV of Flanders. Their granddaughter Matilda would marry William the Conqueror.

Matilda became a nun at Fécamp.

After Judith's death in 1017, Richard II took a second wife, Poppa of Envermeu. Their children were Mauger, who became archbishop of the Rouen, the seat of the Normandy administration, and William, count of Arques in northwestern France.

When the eldest son became Richard III of Normandy in 1026, his brother Robert attempted a coup. Robert was not happy with only having a province to rule (Hiemois, now called Exmes) that his father had given him shortly before dying. Robert's rebellion was unsuccessful. Richard captured him, but released him on condition of an oath of loyalty. The thing done, Richard dismissed he army, returned to Rouen, and died. An extraordinarily convenient death, so of course there was talk of poison.

Richard had been married to Adela, a daughter of the king of France, but they were childless. He did have children by an unknown woman or women. A son became a monk at Fécamp, a daughter, Alice, married the viscount of Bayeux. They were not suitable for the royal succession.

Whatever the case, in less than a year since he took the throne (about 49 weeks), it passed to none other than Robert, about whom we will have things to say next time, including a mention of his well-known son.

Richard the Good?

Richard II, Duke of Normandy, was the eldest surviving son of Richard I and Gunnor. We don't know his birth date, but when his father died in 996, Richard was young: the first five years of his reign his uncle Rodulf of Ivry was regent along with Gunnor. (Richard's grandmother, Sprota, married after the death of his grandfather, William Longsword; Rodulf was the son of Sprota and her second husband, Esperleng.)

In the early 11th century, Vikings started plundering England and then crossing the English Channel to sell their goods on the continent. Richard welcomed them, which angered England. Richard's father had signed a treaty with King Æthelred II (the Unready) that Normandy would not aid the enemies of England. Æthelred led an attack on the Cotentin Peninsula that Richard was forced to repel. Æthelred tried to have Richard captured and brought to England, but the Normans successfully prevented this.

Richard tried to make it up to Æthelred by offering his sister, Emma, as a bride. It was a great idea at the time, but down the road the arrangement would lead to a justification for William of Normandy in 1066 to...well, you know that story already.

Later, when Sweyn Forkbeard (father of Cnut) intended to attack England, Richard made him welcome in Rouen and made an alliance with him. The attack forced Emma and her husband to flee to Normandy, where Richard also sheltered them.

Wanting to amend his reputation and that of Normandy, Richard commissioned his confessor, Dudo of Saint-Quentin, to write a history of Normandy, rehabilitating his ancestors and making them seem more noble and Christian than they were in their time.

After reigning for three decades, Richard died, leaving the title to his son, Richard III, who signed 49 weeks and died childless. I'll tell you about him next time.

Richard I of Normandy

Richard I of Normandy's had several children with his second wife, Gunnor, and used them to great political advantage. By making several good marriages, he allied himself with powerful people and countries.

Gunnor herself gave him a strong connection to a rival Viking group on the Cotentin peninsula. His eldest daughter Emma was married first to King Æthelred the Unready of England, and then after his defeat (by Cnut) to Cnut the Great.

He spent the last three decades of his reign avoiding getting involved in the political squabbles of the Franks and others, focusing on Normandy, despite his closeness to Hugh Capet, son of Richard's father-in-law (father of his first wife, Emma), who became King of the Franks.

Richard also made certain the Church had no argument with him by supporting monasteries in Normandy and restoring lands to churches. He rebuilt the Benedictine Abbey of the Holy Trinity at Fécamp (centuries later the birthplace of the liquor bénédictine) which had been destroyed by Vikings in 841.

Richard had been born at Fécamp, and died there on 20 November 996. He was buried there—of that we are certain. The location of his tomb has escaped discovery. Possibilities have been disinterred and opened and carbon-dated, and none have been found yet that could have been Richard's.

His eldest son Richard II succeeded him. He was called Richard the Good, but his actions created tensions with former allies, as I'll explain tomorrow.

Richard and Gunnor

Richard I of Normandy was struggling to continue the dynasty begun by his father William and grandfather Rollo. His first wife, Emma of Paris, died childless, so he had to find another bride. He found her in Gunnor, (possibly) his long-time mistress.

Gunnor's origin cannot be confirmed. Robert de Torigni wrote that he father was a forester; Dudo of Saint-Quentin claimed she was of noble Danish ancestry and wealthy (about 1015 she made a grant to Mont St.-Michel, portrayed in the illustration). Her name is found on charters into the 1020s, often acting as regent for her husband.

Robert tells a story how they met. Richard I was hunting and heard of a forester's beautiful daughter nearby. The daughter was Seinfreda and already married. Richard ordered her to come to him so they could sleep together, but Seinfreda sent her unmarried sister, Gunnor. Richard appreciated that he had been prevented from committing adultery and readily married Gunnor. Originally they were married more Danico ("by Danish custom"), which essentially meant cohabiting.

In truth, Dudo's information about her being from a wealthy and powerful family is more accurate. Her sisters made political marriages on both sides of the English Channel.

They had several children, three sons and three daughters, who all obtained good positions and/or marriages. The eldest was Richard II, who succeeded his father as ruler of Normandy. The second son, Robert, was to be appointed archbishop of Rouen, but his parents' non-Christian union meant the pope would not sanction it. Richard and Gunnor then had a Christian marriage ceremony, and Robert became archbishop as well as Count of Evreux. He never lost his taste for politics, and was prominent in later events. The third son, Mauger, was married in 1012 to Germain, the daughter of the Count of Corbeil, and became Count of Corbeil himself in time. (Two other sons died very young.)

Their three daughters had advantageous marriages. The eldest, Emma, was married to more than one king of England. Hawise married Geoffrey I, Duke of Brittany, becoming a duchess. Their last daughter, Maud, married the Count of Blois, Odo II. Sadly, she died young and childless. Odo quarreled with Maud's father over the dowry, which brought the king of the Franks, Robert II, into the picture. Robert was Odo's father-in-law, and ruled on Odo's behalf, giving him the land involved.

Gunnor survived her husband. I'll return to his life, and its end, tomorrow.

Richard I of Normandy

William Longsword, Count of Rouen and chieftain of Normandy, had one son, Richard, with his Breton concubine Sprota. William was assassinated in 942, after which Sprota married a wealthy landowner named Esperleng. Sprota and  Esperleng also had a son, who became the Norman nobleman Rodulf of Ivry and one of Richard's strongest supporters.

When William died, Richard was only 10 years old. William's ally, King Louis IV of West Francia, installed Richard as his father's successor to Normandy. William's enemy, Count Arnolf I of Flanders, convinced Louis to take the boy with him into Frankish territory and take back Normandy. Lower Normandy was given to Hugh the Great, a powerful duke and Count of Paris.

Supporters Bernard the Dane (a counselor to William) and Osmond de Centville, Count of Vernon, and others gathered a mob of knights and peasants and marched to Louis' palace to demand the freeing of Richard. Louis claimed he only kept Richard near him to teach him, and turned Richard over to the crowd.

Still landless, but recognized by the Normans as their rightful heir to the duchy, at the age of 14 he had support from Norman and Viking leaders in France and Harald "Bluetooth" to fight a war against Louis for the return of Normandy. Louis was captured and forced to recognize Richard as the leader of a restored Normandy. Richard and Hugh made an alliance, and Hugh promised his daughter Emma of Paris to Richard as a wife, although she was a child at the time. The marriage date was put off until 960.

Louis and Arnulf were not about to give up. They convinced Holy Roman Emperor Otto I to join them in an attack on Richard and Hugh. This was a mistake: they were defeated decisively in 947. Several years of peace followed. Louis died in 954 and his 13-year-old son was not about to start a war. Richard married Hugh's daughter, but they had no children (a trend for Norman ruler first marriages, it seems, if you've been reading the past few posts). Emma died on 19 March 968.

Hugh had offered his son, Hugh Capet, to Richard to raise. In 987, Hugh Capet became king of the Franks after the death of Louis' son Lothair. Richard now had no worries about a war with the rest of France. Richard also made alliances by marrying off his children strategically. To get these children, however, he had to remarry, and that's a story for tomorrow.

William Longsword

So the Duchy of Normandy was created when King Charles the Simple made a treaty in 911 with Rollo, a Viking who had established himself as Count of Rouen and continued to encroach on more Frankish territory. Charles allowed Rollo all of what then became Normandy in exchange for fealty and no more attacks. Rollo's son William would succeed him as the second ruler of Normandy. (The title "duke" wasn't commonly used until later; early historians used the term principes, "chieftains.")

William was born about 893 to Rollo and Poppa of Bayeux. His parents (and he) were pagans, and were married more danico ("according to Danish custom"). Part of the treaty with Charles meant converting to Christianity in 911. "William" is not a typical Danish/Viking name, and he was probably re-named at his conversion/baptism, so his birth name is lost to us.

Rollo handed over the reigns to William in 927. Rollo's exact age is unknown, but he was probably at least in his 50s; he lived another five years. Orderic Vitalis writes that, in 933, Normans who felt the William was becoming too "Frankish" rebelled against him, besieging him in Rouen. William defeated the rebellion, establishing himself more firmly as a strong leader.

In that same year, Charles' second successor in West Francia, Raoul, was fighting to maintain control over his land and fight off Viking attacks. William came to his aid, in return being granted more land in the north of France, including Breton territory, the Cotentin Peninsula (that juts towards Britain) and the Channel Islands. resistance from the Bretons was quickly defeated. 

William expanded his territory further when he married Luitgarde of Vermandois, daughter of Count Herbert II of Vermandois. He also married his sister Adela (born Gerloc before converting to Christianity) to William, Count of Poitou. William now had powerful allies in Vermandois, Poitou, and of course West Francia. When Raoul of West Francia died in 936, his son Louis IV had an extremely difficult time establishing himself, both against the Bretons who were still upset about losing land, and from his own barons. William supported him, getting excommunicated for his troubles because of battles with the Count Arnulf of Flanders. William pledged loyalty to Louis, however, and was confirmed in all the lands Rollo and William had been given.

William's destruction of some of Arnulf's estates needed resolution, however, and a date was chosen for a peace summit. While the two and their people met on an island on the Somme, on 17 December 942 William was ambushed and killed by some of Arnulf's followers.

William had no children by Luitgard. He had, however, like his father, a more danico wife, Sprota, with whom he had a son, Richard. At the time of William's death, Richard was 10, but he became Count of Rouen and the ruler of the Normans. Tomorrow we will continue examining the dynasty that led to the true Duchy of Normandy and William the Conqueror.

The Wife Who Wasn't

The Duchy of Normandy was created in 911 by the Treaty of Saint-Clair-sur-Epte, an agreement between King Charles III ("the Simple") of West Francia and Rollo, a Viking leader who gained a foothold in Rouen years earlier and styled himself Count of Rouen. After Rollo was defeated by Charles at the Siege of Chartres, Charles decided that he would cede Rollo a chunk of the continent if Rollo would pledge fealty to Charles and protect the land from any further Viking incursions.

Another condition was that Rollo and his people would convert, and that Rollo would marry Gisela of France, the daughter of Charles (illustrated is Charles handing her over in a 14th century depiction). Rollo would be the first Duke of Normandy, and his and Gisela's children would create a dynasty. When Rollo died in 933, he was succeeded by William Longsword, whose parents were Rollo and Poppa of Bayeux. So what happened to Gisela?

Gisela's marriage to Rollo is mentioned by Orderic Vitalis in his history of the Church. William of Jumièges, writing a history of Norman dukes, tells us that Rollo had two marriages. He was married (or simply took as concubine) a slave named Poppa of Bayeux in  more danico ("according to Norse custom"). When the treaty was made with Charles, Poppa was put aside and he married Gisela more Cristiano ("according to Christian custom"). Around 917, Gisela dies and Rollo reunites with Poppa.

Is it possible that, in the five or six years between the Treaty and Gisela's "death," that the two never produced a son, even though that was the best way for Rollo to ensure that his family would retain power? Well, it is believable, if Gisela did not exist in the first place.

The fact is, Gisela's name does not show up in any Frankish sources or genealogies. She is only mentioned in Norman sources after the events and conveniently helps legitimize Rollo's "Normandization." The Christian Franks under Charles would never have accepted a child outside of Christian marriage if there were a son of Gisela available. On the other hand, Gisela's father married in 907, so a daughter offered in marriage in 911 could not have been more than a few years old, unless she was illegitimate.

Rollo himself does not appear in any official documents until 918, when he is listed in a charter as the leader of Viking settlers reigning over Normandy. There is no real evidence that Gisela existed outside of later stories.

A dynasty did begin, but it was a son of Rollo and Poppa. Let's look at that son's career tomorrow.

Who Were the Normans?

The Duchy of Normandy was an enormous section of the European continent that we consider part of France. The name for the duchy ultimately coms from Old Franconian Nortman, meaning "Northman." This is because the original inhabitants came from the North.

Well, that's not true. The original inhabitants were what we'd call French. The "North men" that gave their name to the duchy were Vikings who first appeared up the Seine in 820. Over the next century there were several raids and a growing presence of "Norse men" settlements. Charles the Fat, great-grandson of Charlemagne, paid off the vikings as a way to deal with the raids. He was deposed, and the throne (eventually: Ode of Paris got it for a few years) went to his cousin Charles the Simple, who made a more permanent solution.

Charles negotiated peace in exchange for lands, and offered his daughter Gisela to the viking leader Rollo, who would be named a duke and swear fealty to King Charles. Rollo's children would be the ruling dynasty in the new duchy named Normandy. (The illustration is a late 19th-century idea of what Normans looked like.) An 11th century Benedictine monk, Goffredo Malaterra, writing about the Normans inroads into Italy and Sicily, described them:

Specially marked by cunning, despising their own inheritance in the hope of winning a greater, eager after both gain and dominion, given to imitation of all kinds, holding a certain mean between lavishness and greediness, that is, perhaps uniting, as they certainly did, these two seemingly opposite qualities. Their chief men were specially lavish through their desire of good report. They were, moreover, a race skillful in flattery, given to the study of eloquence, so that the very boys were orators, a race altogether unbridled unless held firmly down by the yoke of justice. They were enduring of toil, hunger, and cold whenever fortune laid it on them, given to hunting and hawking, delighting in the pleasure of horses, and of all the weapons and garb of war.

The first sentence suggests a culture that would fight internally for a better position, which supports William of Poitiers's comments about rebellions in Normandy. Of course, in the 1060s, a Duke of Normandy would decide that England owed him their crown, but that's another story.

Sticking with the beginning of Normandy, we should look at Rollo and Gisela and their children; except that they had no children. The reason why they had no children is likely because Charles' daughter Gisela did not exist. I'll explain tomorrow.

William on William

William of Poitiers (c.1020 - 1090) was born into a family of knights, and trained as a knight himself until his late 20s when he decided to turn to the priesthood. He studied in Poitiers and returned home "more learned than all his friends and neighbors" according to Orderic Vitalis. Orderic also says that William was made archdeacon of Lisieux, but his name does not appear in any official documents related to Lisieux, so Orderic's source was likely faulty. Orderic also says that William became chaplain to Duke William of Normandy (aka William the Conqueror), and that is how William of Poitiers is usually described.

Sometime after 1066 (probably in the 1070s), William started writing an account of the deeds of his patron. It is called Gesta Guillelmi ducis Normannorum et regis Anglorum ("The Deeds of William, Duke of the Normans and King of the English"). It is the earliest biography of a decent length of any Norman duke, and gives details on the Battle of Hastings. As a chaplain attached to the duke's household and a trained knight, William was in a unique position to relate the events of the duke's preparations for and execution of the war to conquer England.

To be fair, there are several passages that disproportionately praise or favor the duke' actions. When Orderic used the Gesta Guillelmi as a source for his own history, he left out those sections. William also follows medieval literary tradition by describing Duke William as the perfect embodiment of knighthood, with exploits such as the duke and 50 knights besting 1000 of the enemy. He also compares the duke's conquest of Britain to another famous conquest of Britain, that of Julius Caesar.

There are comments made by William that are unique to his account of the times that modern historians feel are accurate statements. Some are the notion that Harold had abundant treasure, and that a Danish raiding party gained "great booty"; this all suggests why England was such a target for raids in the 10th through early 11th centuries.

William also provides an account of early pre-conquest Norman society, with several rebellions in Normandy, as contrasted with the relative stability of England, where William says the English all showed love of their country and a stronger national identity and unity.

The fractured nature of the Norman culture was explained by a Benedictine monk in the 11th century. Tomorrow we'll look at the origins of Normandy, and why this land south of England was named for "North Men."

A History of the Church

Orderic Vitalis was given the job of writing a history of the Church. Like most medieval authors, however, he did not start with a blank page. He drew on other sources, one of which was the Ecclesiastical History of the English People written by Bede c.731CE. Orderic's version can be divided into three sections.

The first section follows Bede from the birth of Christ. He then added a list of popes.

The second section is a history of the Abbey of Saint-Evroul, where he became a monk and did his work. It also includes stories of William the Conqueror, which he based on the Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges (and others). He also used the Gesta Guillelmi of William of Poitiers. As an English-born man of Norman descent, living in Normandy, he considers the Norman Conquest of England in 1066 with a balanced perspective, seeing both sides of the conflict. The years immediately following the Conquest, 1067-1071, match William of Poitiers. After 1071 Orderic's comments on political events seem to be his own.

The third section talks less about the church and more about the history of France under the Carolingians and Capetians. He has a lot of opinions about the papacy, Normans in Sicily, and the First Crusade. For the Crusade he draws on Fulcher of Chartres and Baldric of Dol. He focuses mainly on the three sons of William the Conqueror: Robert Curthose, William Rufus, and Henry I. He ends with the capture of Stephen of Blois in Lincoln in 1141 during the Anarchy.

Ordericus realized that he was limited in his writing:

I shall search out and give to the world the modern history of Christendom, venturing to call my unpretending work An Ecclesiastical History.

Confined to my cloister by the vows which have voluntarily bound me to the strict observance of the monastic rule, I am unable to make researches into the affairs of Alexandria, Greece, or Rome, and others worthy to be related; but I labour, by God's help, to unfold with truth contemporary events for the instruction of posterity—both such as have passed under my own observation, and those which, occurring in neighbouring countries, have come to my knowledge. I firmly believe, however, from observation of the past, that someone will arise with far more penetration than myself, and more capable of examining the course of worldly affairs, who will perhaps extract from my pages, and from those of others of the same class, what he thinks worthy of being inserted in his chronicle or history for the information of posterity. [source]

His interest in leaving a foundation for future historians reminds me of the "last words" of Friar Clynn. 

He did go well beyond his chosen topic, however: one incident related in the Ecclesiastical History was the first written European ghost story, which I shared here.

The last few posts have had a mention of William of Poitiers, who wrote a biography of William the Conqueror. We don't know much about William himself except what Orderic says, but William's work gives us more detail on Norman and Anglo-Saxon life. I'll go in to that tomorrow.

Orderic Vitalis

At a time when Christian priests could marry, a French priest named Odelerius of Orléans came to England following his patron, who became the first Earl of Shrewsbury. The earl gave Odelerius a chapel to manage. Odelerius had three sons, the eldest of whom was named Orderic. Their mother was English, and so Orderic grew up considering himself English rather than French.

Orderic (16 February 1075 - c.1142) was given at the age of five over to Siward, a monk at the Abbey of Saints Peter and Paul at Shrewsbury. (There is an assumption by historians that his mother must have died, and Odelerius not being able to raise the boys looked for other placements for them.) Orderic was with Siward until he was ten, at which time he was handed to the Abbey of Saint-Evroul in Normandy.

The Benedictine monks at Saint-Evroul had a difficult time pronouncing the name "Orderic," and so they called him "Vitalis" after an early Christian martyr. Orderic, in turn, did not know any French when he first entered Saint-Evroul, and had to learn it along with the practices of monastic life. In an autobiographical note, he says that Orderic was the name of the priest who baptized him. At the beginning of one of his historical works, he signs himself Ordericus Vitalis Angligena ("English-born").

He turned out to have skill as a copyist, earning the position of master scribe in the scriptorium, and his handwriting can be detected in at least 20 manuscripts that still exist. His first literary work was a continuation of the Gesta Normannorum Ducum ("Deeds of the Norman Dukes") started by William of Jumièges, and after Orderic continued further by Robert de Torigni.

Orderic was responsible for the greatest English social history produced in the Middle Ages, the Historia Ecclesiastica ("History of the Church"). This needs its own entry, so we will continue this tomorrow.

Group Projects

Taking sole credit for a written work was not always as important as it is to some authors today. 

William of Jumièges (c.1000 – post-1070) was a monk of Jumièges, a Bénédictine monastery. In the 1050s, he decided to take an earlier historical account to update and extend it. That work was De moribus et actis primorum Normannorum ducum (“Concerning the Customs and Deeds of the First Dukes of the Normans”) by Dudo of Saint-Quentin, completed between 1015 and 1026. As a recording of some of the earliest Norman nobles and their emerging dynasty, it is interesting, albeit inaccurate and interlaced with legend.

William of Jumièges tried to fill in the gaps between Dudo's time and his, and was able to write about William of Normandy invading England in 1066. His work becoming known to others, it is believed that William the Conqueror himself asked that William keep writing a history of his time and deeds. This new version, Gesta Normannorum Ducum ("Deeds of the Norman Dukes"), ends around 1070-71. (The illustration shows William presenting the work to William.)

A few decades later, another took up William's writing and decided to extend it. This was Orderic Vitalis. Orderic was but in Shropshire in 1075 to a priest at a time when clerical marriage was slowly being restricted. He became a Benedictine monk at the Abbey of Saint-Evroul in Normandy, becoming a script master and librarian. He is best known for writing a history of the Church.

His first attempt at writing was picking up the Gesta Normannorum Ducum and filling in the gaps between William and Orderic's own time. He also filled in more from earlier times, borrowing from something called the Gesta Guillelmi ("Deeds of William") by William of Poitiers. (William of Poitiers was a chaplain to William the Conqueror.) Orderic's section of the expanded Gesta is fairly balanced, since he could see things from both the Norman and English perspective.

A third author came along in Robert de Torigni, the abbot of Mont Saint-Michel. Robert was enamored of English kings—descendants of the Norman William, after all—and added much about William after the Conquest, the Abbey of Bec, and an entire volume on Henry I of England. He also borrowed from Henry of Huntingdon's historical work, who was not just an author but also an acquaintance of Robert.

The Gesta Normannorum Ducum was popular in the Middle Ages, being copied and distributed among many monasteries. There are 47 known manuscript copies of it known today. It was an important source for other writes such as Benoît de Sainte-Maure, a historian best known for the 40,000-line poem about the Trojan War. 

I've mentioned Orderic Vitalis before, and I'd like to talk more about him, especially his commissioned work on the history of the Church. See you tomorrow.

The Great Librarian of the Mont

In 1876, in the nave of the chapel of Mont Saint-Michel, a grave was opened to reveal the remains of a former abbot. With the remains was a lead disc inscribed with the epitaph "Here lies Robert Torigni, abbot of this place, who ruled the monastery 32 years, and lived 80 years."

Robert de Torigni (c.1106 - 1186) was born in Normandy. We don't know who his family was (Torigni was the name of the commune where he was born); he became Robert de Torigni when in 1128 he entered the Benedictine Bec Abbey (also home—though not all at the same time—of Anselm and Theobald and Lanfranc). In 1149 he was made prior, and five years later became abbot of Mont Saint-Michel in Normandy, where in 1158 he was host to Henry II of England and Louis VII of France.

King Henry traveled frequently through his Norman territories, so when he and his wife, Eleanor of Aquitaine, where nearby in 1161 during the birth of their daughter Eleanor, Robert was one of the godfathers.

Robert had a reputation for piety and learning. He was a great collector of books, and turned Mont Saint-Michel into a such a well-known center of learning with such a large library that it was nicknamed Cité des Livres ("City of Books"). He had up to 60 monks copying manuscripts, and himself was referred to as "The Great Librarian of the Mont."

Robert also was a fan of history, and liked putting events in chronological order without commentary. That is not to say that he didn't "editorialize" in his own way: as a friend of Henry II, he barely mentioned the death of Thomas Becket and made no mention of Henry's involvement. Robert, like most, drew from other sources, such as Henry of Huntingdon, from whom we got tales of Cnut and the "Fighting Bishop." Henry and Robert knew each other; Henry had visited Bec while Robert was there and provided him information on Henry I, and Robert introduced Henry to Bec's copy of the Historia Regum Britanniae ("History of the Kings of Britain") by Geoffrey of Monmouth.

Robert was the last of three contributors to the Gesta Normannorum Ducum ("Deeds of the Norman Dukes") a history started by William of Jumièges and continued by Orderic Vitalis. Let's take a look at it and its contributors tomorrow.

Robert de Bethune

As I mentioned yesterday, Robert de Bethune was allowed to attend the Council of Reims called by Pope Eugene III, even though King Stephen of England did not allow even his own Archbishop of Canterbury to attend.

Robert  was described by 12th century historian Robert de Torigni as Flemish, but another contemporary cleric and biographer, William of Wycombe, says he and Bethune grew up in neighboring villages in Buckinghamshire. Bethune started as a teacher before going to study theology under Anselm of Laon. He became a canon and then prior of Llanthony Priory.

In 1130, he was made Bishop of Hereford (pictured is Hereford Cathedral) by King Henry I. Henry supposedly claimed that he needed at least one "godly bishop" around. Keep in mind that many high-ranking religious positions were given as rewards, not necessarily because the recipient deserved them because of his piety. Bethune must have had a reputation for holiness.

To understand what comes next, you need to know about the White Ship incident in late November 1120. The White Ship sank off the coast of Normandy. All aboard died, including Henry's sons. Stephen of Blois was supposed to be on it, but stayed back due to illness. Henry himself was on another ship. The result was that all male heirs to the throne were gone. Henry's second marriage to Adeliza of Louvain was not likely to produce another male heir.

When Henry died, Stephen of Blois seized the throne before Henry's only remaining potential heir, his daughter Matilda, could claim it. Matilda was married to Holy Roman Emperor Henry V, and therefore an empress, and she was not going to let this slide. Her rightful opposition to Stephen led to a period of conflict between the two called The Anarchy.

But back to Robert de Bethune: he supported Stephen's actions from the start. His loyalty to Stephen and his reputation for piety made Stephen trust him. King Stephen (like other kings of England) did not like the papacy's authority over England. England had its own chief prelate, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the conflicts between kings and archbishops were numerous. But Stephen trusted Bethune to stay loyal to him; he might have had Bethune in mind as archbishop some day.

Unfortunately, Stephen could not rely on Bethune's loyalty after the Council of Reims in 1148. Bethune became ill on the third day and died a few weeks later. William of Wycombe's account of his life was an attempt to get him canonized as a saint, but it did not accomplish that result.

Robert de Torigni, who claimed Bethune was Flemish (and may have been right; Bethune's family could easily have come from Flanders and settled in Buckinghamshire), was a Norman monk who wrote about English matters. Let's take a closer look at his life and works...next time.

The Council of Reims is Held

Pope Eugene III (the Homeless Pope) called the Council of Reims in 1148 to discuss and ratify issues that were brought up in an earlier Council of Reims. The prelates involved approved almost everything: they did not approve a rule forbidding them from showing off in cloaks made of fur. The rule that forbade married priests was considered superfluous by those present; they felt that everyone already knew and followed that rule.

There were some more recent and specific items on the agenda for the Council.

An order was put out to arrest a Breton heretic, Éon de l'Étoile ("Eon of the Star"). He considered himself a messiah and supposedly performed miraculous acts like bi-location (appearing in more than one place at the same time), and a heavenly glow that surrounded him. He pillaged abbeys and monasteries and used the plunder to treat the poor to grand feats. He was arrested, tortured until he confessed his messiahship, and imprisoned at the Abbey of Saint-Denis until his death in 1150.

Another heretic discussed was Gilbert, the bishop of Poitiers. Gilbert was more of a gray area. He did not outwardly preach anything heretical or blasphemous, but he was a scholastic and logician who wrote in such a convoluted manner that his works could just as easily lead the faithful astray as educate them. His commentary on Boethius explained the Holy Trinity in a way that did not align with the teachings of the Church. He was brought to a trial shortly after the Council, presided by Pope Eugene. Gilbert was required to rewrite parts of his book, a happier ending than Éon.

There wasn't really a "curse" on the Council, as I said yesterday, but quite unexpectedly (in most cases), several people involved died soon after. The Archbishop of Trier, Albero de Montreuil, was so ill that he had to be carried around (he was in his 70s). He died shortly after, during a visit to Trier by Eugene. The Bishop of Angoulême died right after. On the third day of the Council, Robert de Bethune, the Bishop of Hereford, fell ill and died. Technically, he wasn't supposed to be there: he was one of only three English prelates allowed by King Stephen to attend. Maybe he would have been better off if he stayed home?

Could he have stayed home? Why did Stephen forbid any English prelates to attend—including the Archbishop of Canterbury, Theobald of Bec, putting guards on him—and yet send Robert and two others? What was going on in Stephen's mind? Let's speculate tomorrow.

Council of Reims is Called

After a few years in the papacy, Pope Eugene III thought there were some issues that needed discussing/ratifying. A letter he wrote to Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis in 1147 mentioned that Trier would be the location, and a week later Eugene officially announced the council to the world for the following March.

Unfortunately, when the papal delegation visited Trier on 30 November 1147 to prepare for the council, which was supposed to be held on 21 March 1148 (must have plenty of time to arrange things!), the citizens of Trier complained about the influx of people. The pope decided to hold the council in Reims instead, three days distant on foot. (Letters written by Eugene to the Bishop of Olmuetz and the Archbishop of Salzburg confirm the change and the reason.)

Eugene mandated attendance by all bishops; failing to show meant suspension. Estimates of attendance range wildly from 400 to 1100 (each bishop would also have had an entourage). Some were forgiven due to illness, and the Italian bishops were excused because Eugene would meet with them after Reims in Cremona to share the results of the council. Stephen of Blois, King of England, forbade any of England's bishops to go except three (Hereford, Norwich and Chichester). The Archbishop of Canterbury, Theobald of Bec, argued with Stephen about the necessity to be there. Stephen disagreed and put guards on him, but Theobald evaded the guards and crossed the English Channel on a rented fishing boat.

Reims had been the site of several religious councils, and this one was discussing some canons announced at Reims in 1131 by Pope Lucius II. It was convened at the cathedral (see illustration). The canons were largely approved, but there was one the prelates did not approve: apparently, they refused to give up wearing cloaks made of fur.

Tomorrow we'll talk about some of the canons they did approve, as well as the curse of the council.