Byzantine Economy

Constantine IV had other problems besides potential usurpers and Umayyads. Because his father, Constans II, had moved the administrative seat from Constantinople to Sicily, a large part of the treasury was in the middle of the Mediterranean, not in Constantinople, where Constantine was still living. When Mizizios tried to take control of the empire in Sicily, he had possession of a large part of the empire's funding.

Not only that, but the Arab raids mentioned yesterday also meant the loss to Constantinople of some important mines that were the source of precious metals like gold and silver. This created an economic crisis which needed addressing. Constantine re-issued a copper coin that had been created by Justinian, whose reign just over a century earlier (527 - 565) was looked on by many as a golden age. Constantine took further steps to re-organize the economy to the way it was in Justinian's time. Shortly after, Constantine bore a son whom he named Justinian II, further creating the symbolism of a return to a more glorious period in Byzantine history.

Counter-attacks in Syria and Egypt that reversed some of the progress of the Arab invasions further enhance the new emperor's reputation. The death of Umayyad Caliph Muawiyah I in 680, the architect of the Arab attempt to conquer Constantinople and its territories not long before, put an end to fears of Arabs for a long time.

He then took on a challenge his father had avoided: dealing with the Monothelitism controversy. Appealed to by the patriarchs and priests, he claimed it was not his decision, but that the church must rule on whether Jesus had one nature/energy/will or two. He wrote to Pope Donus in Rome to suggest an ecumenical council to decide the matter. By the time the letter reached Rome, Donus had died, but Pope Agatho agreed to the need and ordered synods throughout the West to confirm the West's belief in the matter. This culminated in a synod in Rome, after which Agatho sent emissaries to Constantinople.

Constantine called for the Third Council of Constantinople, which was also the Sixth Ecumenical Council (depicted above in the 12th century chronicle by Constantine Manasses). The emissaries from the pope met with the Patriarch of Constantinople and all the Byzantine bishops, and the matter was settled.

Constantine had two brothers, Heraclius and Tiberius. They had also been crowned co-emperors by their father, but Constantine decided that, if he were to die, he would rather be succeeded by his son. He had both brothers mutilated by slitting their noses. This physical deformity made them ineligible to rule. When he died on 10 July 685, Justinian II succeeded him at the age of 16.

But let's not summarize the Sixth Ecumenical Council in just a sentence or two. There's a little more to the story, including an attempt to bring someone back from the dead. Come back next time and I'll tell you.

Constantine IV

Constantine's father, Constans II, died in 668 while in Sicily, and immediately some Sicilian bishops wanted someone else to take over, even though Constans had made his son co-emperor years before (in 654, when Constantine was four years old), marking his son as the rightful successor. The bishops did so because they considered Constans a heretic for his tacit support of Monothelitism. The bishops' choice—the Armenian Mizizios, a general in the Byzantine army—was not the choice of Pope Vitalian.

Reportedly, Mizizios did not want the position, but he stayed at the head of this rebellion for seven months until Constantine led an expedition to Sicily to suppress the rebels, killing Mizizios and the man who killed Constans. On the other hand, the Liber Pontificalis ("Book of Popes") recorded that it was the Exarchate of Africa (a Byzantine administrative district) that suppressed the revolt and sent Mizizios' head to Constantinople. (Years later, Mizizios' son John also rebelled in Sicily, and we are told Constantine went to Sicily to stop him; this revolt lasted seven months. It is possible that early historical records have conflated these two rebellions.)

With this slightly rocky start, the 18-year-old emperor went on to reign for 17 years. As well as rebellion to the west, he had to focus on danger from the east. There was a desire by an Umayyad Caliph, Muawiyah I, to overthrow the emperor in Constantinople. Carthage and Sicily were attacked in 667. Fleets captured or attacked other coastal cities for the next two years, and by the start of 668, Constantinople was besieged by both a land army and a fleet.

The countryside was ravaged, but the city itself was merely blockaded, not attacked. It became a waiting game. By June of 668, the Arab armies encamped around Constantinople were running out of food and malnourished. Famine followed, and an outbreak of smallpox caused the leaders to lift the siege and retreat to the town Cyzicus across the water. They continued to raid outlying Byzantine territory until they returned to Syria in 669/70.

Although he had done nothing to oppose the invaders except keep the city together, Constantine's popularity rose after the unsuccessful siege. He had other problems, however, including an economic crisis, which we'll talk about tomorrow.

Constans II

Constans continued to do things that were uncommon for other Byzantine Emperors. He was the first Byzantine Emperor to visit Rome (in 663) since the fall of the Western Empire in 476. Pope Vitalian greeted him warmly (since 476, the emperor in Constantinople was also the emperor of the entire Roman Empire, west as well as east, and so the pope's secular lord). Constans, however, did not respect Rome, in that he took treasures from several buildings, including the Pantheon, to be sent back to Constantinople (even though he was making Sicily his new power base).

Three years later, he declared that the pope did not have authority over the Archbishop of Ravenna, since Ravenna was the city of Constans' representative, the Exarch. The Exarchate of Ravenna was an administrative district that owed allegiance to Constantinople. It was the Exarch Theodore I Calliopas in 652 who arrested Pope Martin on Constans' orders, dragging him from the Lateran and putting him on a ship to Constantinople for trial, for daring to get involved in Constans' decree about Monothelitism.

Although much of what I have reported about Constans seems self-serving, he did undertake some larger issues. Concerned about delays of traffic on the Silk Road, he sent emissaries to China to discuss with Emperor Taizong of Tang China how to better manage the tribal conflicts in the Turkic Khaganate that were causing disruption. Chinese histories talk of the meetings in which Constans II sent gifts such as red and green gems (see the illustration).

Very few Byzantine emperors seemed to die of old age, however, and at the age of 37 Constans was assassinated by his chamberlain while taking a bath. His 18-year-old son became Emperor Constantine IV. Constantine was willing to manage the issue of monothelitism, and had better luck than his father against the encroaching Arabs. I'll tell you about him tomorrow, as well as his first challenge, a usurper pushed into place by the Sicilian bishops.

Monothelitism

The Western Roman Empire and Eastern Byzantine Empire had many differences over the centuries. Some of the biggest differences were religious. One such was the Filioque controversy: did the Holy Spirit proceed from the father, or the Father and the Son? Another was the question of Monothelitism.

Monothelitism ("one will") had come up in the 600s in opposition to dyothelitism ("dual wills"), the doctrine that Jesus had two "wills": a divine aspect and a human aspect. Monothelitism was the opinion that he had one will, a single "energy."

The debates over this had started generations earlier. The Church had determined that Jesus was the Son of God, but exactly how a human could also be God was still being argued. The First Council of Nicaea had decreed that Jesus was fully divine, and any other thought was heretical (this was to combat Arianism; this is the council where Nicholas of Myra reportedly slapped Arius). By declaring that God's Son became a man, they opened the door to discussion (and debate) over how two different natures could combine in a human being.

The debates could be fierce, and fights broke out over them. Emperor Heraclius (610 - 641) suggested monothelitism in order to establish one unifying doctrine. Patriarch of Constantinople Sergius I wrote to Pope Honorius, arguing that the idea of two wills in Jesus could lead to the argument that his human and divine wills were opposed to each other. (Consider the scene in Gethsemane when Jesus asks if fate can be taken away.) Sergius wanted Honorius to agree that divisive arguments should be suppressed. Honorius went along at first, but arguments arose that monothelitism was inconsistent with orthodoxy.

When Constans II came to power in 641, the debate in the Eastern Mediterranean was still raging. Constans tried to suppress it by decree, which did not endear him to either faction. This decree, called the Type of Constans, made it illegal to discuss whether Christ had one or two natures or energies and the matter was to be forgotten. He was 17 years old at the time, and did not care much about religion.

When Pope Martin I wrote to him, telling him to condemn both monothelitism and his own decree, Constans had Martin arrested and brought to Constantinople for trial. Martin was exiled to Crimea. When Adrian of Canterbury—a monk and an acquaintance of Constans—was traveling through Gaul, he was detained by Frankish authorities (Ebroin, Mayor of the Palace) on suspicion of being there to create disruption. The only disruption I can imagine of which he might be accused is regarding monothelitism, which the Roman Catholic West opposed.

When Constans died, his son, Constantine IV, was asked to rule on the subject, but he refused, saying it should be determined by church synods. Several were held over the following years, and monothelitism was declared erroneous.

Before we leave Constans, however, I want to talk about the last years of his reign that did not have anything to do with religion, including his connections with China. See you next time.

Constans Moves Westward

Yesterday's post mentioned Ebroin, Mayor of the Palace under King Clotaire III, distrusting Adrian of Canterbury because of Adrian's connection to Byzantine Emperor Constans II. Ebroin worried that Adrian was in Gaul to create disruption on behalf of Constans. This raises the question: what would a ruler in Gaul fear from a ruler at the far eastern end of the Mediterranean, in Constantinople?

That was precisely the problem: Constans was no longer in Constantinople; he had moved his seat of power to Syracuse on the island of Sicily, much closer to Gaul. And he brought his military.

Constans II (630 - 668) was not particularly well-liked. He was crowned co-emperor at the age of 10 in 641 and became sole ruler after his brother Heraclonas was deposed on suspicion that he had poisoned their father to gain the throne. During his time, the Byzantines withdrew from Egypt in the face of Muslim approaches. He also refused to take sides in a ferocious religious debate over the nature of Jesus. He even decreed in 648 that there should be no discussion on the matter, which did not defuse the situation as he had hoped, nor did it endear him to either side.

The Rashidun Caliphate was moving across the eastern Mediterranean: Armenia, Cappadocia, Crete, Rhodes. Constans fought back, leading a fleet in the Battle of the Masts, in which 500 Byzantine ships were destroyed and Constans almost died. He traded clothes with a sailor to disguise himself and escape.

Besides Muslims, he was fearful of his younger brother Theodosius, whom he suspected of wanting to take over the throne. He pushed Theodosius into taking Holy Orders, but then had him killed in 660.

He finally decided to get involved in religious matters after all, because Pope Martin I had condemned Constans publicly for halting the debate. Constans actually had Martin arrested by the Exarch of Ravenna (a Byzantine representative) and brought to Constantinople where he was condemned and exiled to a Greek town on the Crimean peninsula, where he remained until his death.

After having inspired his subjects to hatred of his poor leadership, he decided to abandon Constantinople for Sicily, taking the military and attacking the Lombards who were threatening Rome from the north. Despite his treatment of Pope Martin, current Pope Vitalian was friendly with him. (After all, there was no emperor in Rome, so they had to look to Constantinople for the highest secular authority, and Vitalian knew what had happened to Martin.)

So, as far as Ebroin in Gaul was concerned, Constans' military aspirations and his proximity might have been a threat. To be fair, however, would a Benedictine like Adrian be the likeliest person sent by Constans to be a disruptive element? There was another aspect of Byzantine culture that Ebroin might have feared a Benedictine could be part of: the nature of Jesus that was such a hot topic between the East and West. Tomorrow I'll discuss the hot topic of Monothelitism.

Adrian of Canterbury

Adrian (also called Hadrian) was born in North Africa sometime prior to 637; Bede referred to him as a Berber. He became a well-known teacher and a Benedictine monk. He knew Byzantine Emperor Constans II, who introduced Adrian to Pope Vitalian, who made Adrian his advisor.

While Adrian was abbot of a monastery near Naples, Pope Vitalian twice offered him to go to England and become Archbishop of Canterbury. In each case he declined, suggesting others: first a nearby monk named Andrew, who also declined, then Theodore of Tarsus, who accepted the role. Adrian had been through Gaul before, and Vitalian that Adrian would accompany Theodore to England.

The journey took them awhile. They left Rome on 27 May 668 and went by ship to Marseille, then to meet with Archbishop John of Arles while applying for passports of safe conduct through Gaul. These had to come from Ebroin, the Mayor of the Palace under Clotaire III. By the time they got to the north of France it was winter, and since travel would be more difficult, they waited until spring. Adrian went to stay with Bishop Emmon of Sens, then Bishop Faro of Meaux. (Theodore stayed with Bishop Agilbert of Paris.)

When King Ecgberht of Kent sent a message to Theodore in the spring of 669 to hurry up, he went to England, arriving in May. Adrian was detained on the orders of Ebroin, who suspected that Adrian might be an emissary of the Byzantine emperor, Constans II, intending to disrupt the Franks.

Adrian eventually made it to England and became abbot of Saint Peter's and Saint Paul's in Canterbury, administering the place for 39 years. Adrian and Theodore together made Canterbury a center for learning, teaching Greek as well as Latin and several subjects that were later part of the Trivium and Quadrivium of medieval universities. Writing later, Bede praised the two for their love of teaching and the spread of learning.

After Adrian died in 709, miracles were reported at his tomb.

Why did Ebroin suspect Adrian of being an agent of Emperor Constans? What could the Byzantine emperor do that would threaten Gaul? Let's look at that tomorrow.

Traveling to Canterbury

St. Adrian of Canterbury

Yesterday's post on the Leiden Glossary mentioned its two chief contributors, Adrian of Canterbury and Theodore of Tarsus. Also interesting is their journey to Canterbury—not just their appointment to their positions, but what it took to get to their new jobs—and what it tells us about the Middle Ages.

Bede tells the story of Adrian of Canterbury in his Historia ecclesiastic gentis Anglorum ["Ecclesiastical history of the English people"]. Adrian was born in North Africa—we don't know when, but he died about 710—and was abbot of a monastery when Pope Vitalian (who would send Benedict Biscop to England as well) offered him the position of Archbishop of Canterbury on the death of Archbishop Deusdedit in 664. Adrian turned down the offer, and suggested a nearby monk, who also declined. When the pope asked Adrian a second time, Adrian introduced to the pope another friend who happened to be in Rome, Theodore of Tarsus.

The pope accepted Theodore as the new Archbishop of Canterbury, but asked that Adrian accompany him to England; according to Bede, Adrian had traveled to England twice before, and knew the way. Keep in mind that this is a world without roadmaps, without highways, without public transportation or any regularly scheduled wagons or boats or anything of the kind.

On 27 May 668 (note: 4 years after the death of Deusdedit), Adrian and Theodore left Rome. They traveled by sea to Marseille on the southern coast of France (far preferable to crossing the Alps). In nearby Arles they stayed for a time with its archbishop, John, until they managed to get passports from King Clotaire III's Mayor of the Palace, Ebroin. These passports could be shown to any civil servants along the way to grant them safe passage through Clotaire's domain.

By the time they made their way to the north of France, winter had come, so they needed to stay somewhere. Theodore went to stay with the Bishop of Paris. Adrian stayed first with the Bishop of Sens, then the Bishop of Meaux.

In the spring of 669, King Ecgberht of Kent sent for Theodore, who reached England a whole year after he first set out. Adrian, however, was not so lucky. For some reason, Ebroin decided that Adrian might have been an agent of the Greek emperor.* The Greek emperor that he feared had died in September of 668, but news could travel as slowly as bishops crossing France, so Ebroin (and Clotaire) were probably fearing someone that had been dead for months. They finally allowed Adrian to leave France.

Arriving in England, Adrian was made abbot of the monastery of St. Peter, which was re-named St. Augustine's Abbey. He and Theodore taught and wrote commentaries that, along with the writing of others, were compiled into a collection of glosses in Latin and Anglo-Saxon. At least one copy made its way to the continent and the Abbey of St. Gall, where it was copied in 800. That copy eventually wound up in the Netherlands, where it became known as the Leiden Glossary.

*In 669 the emperor would have been Constantine IV, "The Bearded"; Ebroin probably feared the emperor's predecessor, his father Constans II.