Château Gaillard

It was called the Bellum Castrum de Rupe ("the Fair Castle at the Rock"), and has a fascinating history, starting with the illegal seizure of the site.

It was built on a hill overlooking the River Seine in the Andeli territory of Walter de Coutances, Archbishop of Rouen. Richard I of England, King of England and Duke of Normandy, wanted the site for a fortress from which he could mount a campaign against King Philip II of France, who was encroaching on Richard's continental possessions. The archbishop refused, but Richard seized it anyway, causing a controversy that was explained here.

Although a treaty with Philip agreed that neither of them would attempt to build on the site, Richard went ahead anyway, and created a magnificent fortress in a mere two years. Richard's father, Henry II, had spent enormous sums building castles to protect the real possessions, and Richard's efforts in building were significantly reduced, but Château Gaillard cost £12,000 from 1196-98, whereas only £7,000 was spent on construction in England.

Some of the earliest information we have on castle construction is recorded concerning Gaillard. We see lists of payments to miners, quarrymen, and the carters who brought stone to the site; stonecutters, masons, and lime workers for mortar; carpenters, smiths, assistants, and even water carriers; and soldiers who guarded the site while the work went on. Missing is mention of a master mason, who would have overseen the project, and it is suggested that Richard himself chose and ordered the design. Richard spent a lot of time during the two years of construction on the site.

It was designed with three enclosures separated by dry moats, and with machicolations, which were protected openings above the outside edge of the walls so that defenders could shoot down on anyone reaching the base of the wall [link].

There were incidents during construction. William of Newburgh wrote of a "rain of blood" that fell in May 1198, that alarmed the men as a bad omen, but Richard did not let it stay the work. Also, when some Welsh mercenaries were ambushed by the French, three French soldiers were captured and thrown off the walls to execute them.

Richard did not have much opportunity to enjoy his creation, dying less than a year after it was finished. The history of Gaillard did not stop there, however, and tomorrow I'll tell you how his successor, John, lost it (as he lost so many things), not long after.

Walter and King John

Walter de Coutances was a courtier and then Archbishop of Rouen whose life was tied up in the careers of three kings of England: Henry II, Richard I, and lastly John.

When Richard died and the throne passed to his younger brother, the Archbishop of Rouen had the privilege of investing him as the new Duke of Normandy (on 25 April 1199). John initially pledged to protect and support the Norman church, and he confirmed Rouen's possession of the important seaport of Dieppe (granted by Richard in recompense for appropriating Andeli against Walter's wishes). On the other hand, John took issue with some of Walter's other rights over Rouen's territory, and forced Walter to pay to retain some of his rights.

In May 1200, Walter was asked to mediate between John and Philip II of France. Although the two men had worked in concert while Richard was king, as king in his own right John became Philip's rival, starting hostilities that would go very badly for John and England. (The illustration is of a clash between Philip and Richard from a 14th century chronicle.)

Walter had a later problem over an issue that numerous kings and prelates clashed over: the election of clergy. A bishop in Normandy died and the cathedral chapter elected their own successor. Walter wanted a different man to get the position (with John's agreement), since it was a bishop under his jurisdiction. There were two sides to the ensuing conflict, and Pope Innocent III stepped in to make a choice, but did not go with the choice of Walter and John, instead choosing an archdeacon named Silvester. Walter refused to consecrate him. Innocent chose another archbishop to perform the ceremony, but John prevented Silvester from assuming his role. In a typical move, Innocent pronounced an Interdict for Normandy, so no religious services or sacraments could be performed. This move always horrified the Christian populace, so John finally relented.

Innocent did not always clash with Walter and John. In 1202 he authorized Walter to use his role as archbishop to punish those in Normandy who would rebel against John's commandments. John lost Normandy to Philip in 1204, and Walter simply shifted his loyalty to Philip, who supported Walter.

Walter de Coutances died on 16 November 1207, and was buried in Rouen Cathedral. He was possibly not even 50 years old at the time. His desire for wealth meant he left behind a large library or religious and legal books, as well as classical authors. He also had a large number of jewels and vestments.

I want to talk more about the clash between Walter and Richard over Andeli, and the glorious fortress built by Richard on the site. Tomorrow we will visit the Château Gaillard!

Walter and Richard I

Walter de Coutances, who became Archbishop of Rouen, gained his position by being closely tied to the kings of England, first Henry II then Richard I. (The illustration is an estimate of Rouen Cathedral as it may have appeared during Walter's time.)

When Richard first succeeded his father, it was Walter as Archbishop of Rouen (a position he had thanks to Richard's father) who absolved him of his rebellion against Henry. Walter went with Richard on the Third Crusade. He got as far as Sicily before Richard got word that there were problems between Prince John, Richard's younger brother, and William Longchamp, the justiciar who had been left in charge of England. Richard trusted Walter to mediate between the two. Longchamp created further problems, however, that caused Walter to take over his duties, if not formally the title, until 1193.

When Richard was being held captive by Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI, the ransom price was 100,000 pounds of silver.  It was not paid all at once, however, and Henry did the honorable thing by allowing Richard to depart captivity once the first payments had arrived and the rest was pledged. In cases such as this, however, guaranteeing that the rest of the payments would arrive was often done by substituting a valuable person as hostage in place of the primary.

Richard called Walter to Germany to take his place. Walter remained there from 1193 to 1194 when the final payments were made. Afterward, Walter chose to remain in Normandy and not return to England. When Richard wanted the manor and site of Andeli, which was in Walter's hands, Walter refused. The revenues from owning that property was valuable to the archbishop. Richard seized the spot anyway, which seemed discourteous to the man who had been a valuable member of the court and sat in prison on Richard's behalf. Richard needs the site for his war against Philip, however. Walter placed Normandy under Interdict, meaning no church services could be performed. This included funeral rites: Roger of Hoveden (who also went on the Third Crusade) commented on "the unburied bodies of the dead lying in the streets and square of the cities of Normandy."

Walter went to Rome to get Pope Celestine III to intercede on his behalf. Richard also sent an embassy. Richard made gifts of other lands to Walter and to the diocese of Rouen, including the port city of Dieppe, sufficient to prompt Celestine himself to remove the Interdict. Walter had little to no contact with Richard after this incident. After Richard's death, he had to deal with King John, and I'll talk about that time period next time.

Walter de Coutances

We saw yesterday how Walter de Coutances did not want to give the site of Andeli to Richard I for a fortress, even though Richard was his liege lord. Let's look at Walter's life and his relationship to Richard.

Walter was ordained on 11 June 1183, so his birth was probably no later than c.1160. He came from Cornwall. Gerald of Wales recorded that Walter's lineage came from Trojans who escaped Troy and settled in Cornwall, but the link to Troy was part of the common myth of Britain's founding. The family was more likely from Normandy, crossing over after 1066. Gerald also refers to Walter being well-educated.

His brother, Roger fitzReinfrid, was a justice under King Henry II, and probably helped Walter gain a position as clerk in the royal chamber. In 1169 he had been given a canonry in Rouen Cathedral, and was made chaplain to Henry the Young King, but after young Henry's rebellion against his father, Walter went back to the elder's court and within a few years was Archdeacon of Oxford.

Walter was sent on diplomatic missions to the continent. The bishop of Lisieux accused Walter of driving him out of his position so that Walter could become a bishop, but there is no evidence that Walter became bishop of Lisieux. Instead, he retuned to England where he was given custody of the abbeys of Wilton and Ramsey, in charge of collecting their revenues for the king.

During this time he was just a valued and trusted courtier, not clergy. He was named Bishop of Lincoln by Henry in May of 1183, but needed to be ordained first, in June, and then in July consecrated as a bishop. He then took part in the election of Baldwin of Forde as Archbishop of Canterbury. As Bishop of Lincoln, he benefitted the schools and was a patron for some of the scholars, but Gerald of Wales claims he was bad for the diocesan finances, running up debt and squandering money.

In November 1184, Rouen needed an archbishop. Rouen had nominated one, but Henry offered them three English candidates, indicating his preference for Walter. Although archbishop was higher status than bishop, Walter was reluctant to accept, because Rouen was financially less stable than Lincoln. The chronicler William of Newburgh recorded that Walter eventually accepted higher status over love of money.

He was still closely tied to Henry's court, and witnessed more of Henry II's royal charters than anyone except Ranulph Glanville. When Henry died and Richard took the throne, he wanted to "clean up his image" because of his earlier rebellion against his father. He sought absolution from Walter and Ranulph. The two archbishops held a ceremony giving Richard absolution, Walter invested him as Duke of Normandy, then followed Richard to England for his coronation.

Richard and Walter remained close. I'll go into their dealings with each other tomorrow.

Richard vs. Philip

Once Richard I was out of captivity and home in England, he forgave his brother John for John's actions while Richard was away on the Third Crusade.

On the continent, however, Philip II of France had taken over part of Normandy that belonged to Richard, the Norman Vexin. The Vexin was a plateau in northern France, the western half of which was in Norman hands, while the eastern was called the French Vexin.

Philip had started while Richard was imprisoned by conquering the Château de Gisors, a key fortress of the Norman dukes on the border between the two Vexins. Richard searched for a new site on which to build a fortress from which he could launch his campaign against Philip. There was an ideal site above the Seine in Andeli. Richard tried to buy a manor there that could be expanded and fortified, but the Archbishop of Rouen did not want to sell the location. When Philip continued invading territories in Normandy, an impatient Richard seized the manor.

The archbishop, Walter de Coutances—although he had been vice-chancellor under Richard's father, and had invested Richard as Duke of Normandy—condemned the action, and placed that part of Normandy under Interdict, declaring no church services could be performed there. Richard wisely made gifts to Walter and his diocese, and Pope Celestine III repealed the interdict. Richard started to build (it took two years total) the magnificent (and exorbitantly expensive) Château Gaillard, referred to in charters by apud Bellum Castrum de Rupe ("at the Fair Castle of the Rock") It is now only a ruin (see illustration).

Richard did not just rely on physical and military means in his revenge on Philip. He created alliances with Baldwin IX of Flanders, with Count Renaud of Boulogne, and with his wife's father, King Sancho VI of Navarre, who attacked Philip from the south.

These moves all aided in driving Philip from the lands he had taken. In 1194 Philip abandoned his former conquests. The Treaty of Louviers, signed in January 1196, agreed that Philip would forsake the lands that he had formerly taken, but would get the Vexin from Richard. It also said that Alys, Philip's sister who had been betrothed to Richard long ago and was now 34 years old, would be allowed to return to France. It also agreed that Andeli would not be fortified, but Richard had already begun the construction of Gaillard and ignored that part of the treaty.

Hostilities, for the time being, were over.

Walter de Coutances had an interesting life, and was tied more closely to Richard than mentioned above, including going to prison for him. I'll explain tomorrow.

Freeing Richard

On his way back from the Third Crusade, King Richard I of England was captured by Leopold V of Austria, who blamed Richard for the murder of Leopold's cousin, Conrad of Montferrat. Richard had also personally offended Leopold by getting rid of Leopold's banner on the walls of Acre, even though Leopold had been with him at the Siege of Acre.

So when Richard's ship was wrecked near Aquileia and Richard had to travel over land to get back home and he passed through Vienna, Leopold captured him around Christmas 1192. The story goes that he was found in an inn, and was trying to pass himself off as the servant turning the spit of a roasting animal, but was identified by either a signet ring, or his men treating him with deference, or some other slip-up.

Interfering with a Crusader was against papal decree, so when word got out, Pope Celestine III excommunicated Leopold.

Word got back to England of Richard's captivity, but no one knew where he was being held. He was given over to Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI's care on 28 March 1193, who imprisoned him at Trifels Castle. Not only was Henry angered at Richard's previous actions, he also had a goal: conquering all of southern Italy. This required military might, and that required money. Holding a king for ransom was one sure way of acquiring funds.

Henry's status as Holy Roman Emperor made Celestine reluctant to excommunicate him. Richard's treatment was initially respectful, but Richard treated Henry with disdain. Henry convened a council to condemn Richard for the capture of Cyprus, the insult to Leopold, the death of Conrad, and making a truce with Saladin. Richard defended his actions, and explained his lack of respect for Henry's imperial title by saying "I am born in a rank which recognizes no superior but God."

Afterward, Richard was kept in chains "so heavy that a horse or ass would have struggled to move under them." Henry demanded a ransom of 100,000 pounds of silver. Richard's mother, Eleanor of Aquitaine, now in her early 70s, took action, riding the country to raise funds and writing the pope about the horrible situation. A tax of 25% of the value of property was decreed against layman and all churches in England. Meanwhile, Richard's brother John and King Philip of France offered Henry 80,000 marks to keep Richard at least until the end of September 1194.

Henry refused their offer. The ransom from England came through, and Richard was freed on 4 February 1194. (The illustration shows Richard kissing the feet of the emperor.) Upon his return to England he forgave John's actions and named John his heir for the time being.

But John had allied himself with Philip of France, and Philip was not to be forgiven. Richard made plans for war with France. I'll tell you more about that tomorrow.

(Note: Much of this post appeared previously on 31 March 2023.)

King Richard's Odyssey

After the Treaty of Jaffa and the official dissolution of the Third Crusade, Richard I of England headed home. He had left his brother John in charge, and reports were not encouraging. Also, his territories on the continent were being harassed by King Philip II of France. So in early October of 1192, he set sail from Jaffa, unaware of the string of misfortunes ahead of him.

His first stroke of bad luck came when storms forced him to stop at Corfu. Just off the northwest coast of Greece, Corfu was fought over and possessed at times by the Venetians, by William II of Sicily, and by the Byzantine emperors. At this time, it was in the possession of Emperor Isaac II Angelos. Isaac was not pleased with Richard, who had annexed Cyprus on his way to the Holy Land because some of the other members of the Crusade had been shipwrecked there and were being held prisoner—including Richard's sister, Joan. Richard had attacked the island to free the prisoners.

To get away from Corfu, Richard had to disguise himself, donning Templar garb and traveling with only a few attendants rather than a large royal-looking retinue. The ship he was on was wrecked near Aquileia at the extreme northernmost point of the Adriatic Sea. His solution at that point was to abandon the sea and travel through Central Europe. His first goal would be his brother-in-law, Henry the Lion.

Henry the Lion (c.1129 - 1195) had been Duke of Saxony and Duke of Bavaria (had been, but that's a different story), but was living comfortably in Saxony. Earlier in his career, he had taken refuge in England and had married Matilda of England, Richard's sister. Matilda had died a few years earlier, but Richard figured he and Henry were on good terms.

Richard never made it to Henry's court. On the way there, near Vienna, he was captured by Leopold V of Austria, who had left the Third Crusade after the Siege of Acre because of his poor treatment by Richard. Imprisoning a Crusader was against the law, but officially, Leopold accused Richard of causing the murder of Leopold's cousin, Conrad of Montferrat. (Conrad had been assassinated in April 1192 right after being chosen King of Jerusalem, against the wishes of Richard, who promoted Guy of Lusignan.)

Richard was imprisoned in Dürnstein castle (shown above). Tomorrow I'll tell you what it took to free him.

The Treaty of Jaffa

After the Battle of Jaffa, with Richard I and the members of the Third Crusade once again in control of the city, a truce was made between Richard and Saladin, signed at the beginning of September 1192. The three-year arrangement officially ended the Third Crusade.

The Crusade had begun because Jerusalem had fallen into Saracen hands. Richard and Saladin had been exchanging letters ever since the Siege of Acre about access to Jerusalem, but nothing was to be concluded until Saladin's defeats by the Crusading army.

The Treaty demanded safe passage for Christians to visit Jerusalem, which would remain under Islamic control. Also, Christians would control the coast from Tyre to Jaffa. The Battle of Hattin had essentially placed the whole of the Kingdom of Jerusalem into Muslim possession, but the Treaty declared that the Tyre-to-Jaffa strip would now be considered the Kingdom. The town of Ascalon would be rebuilt and given to Saladin.

With that, Richard departed for England on 9 October. His brother John and Philip II of France were causing trouble, and he was anxious to get home.

Saladin did not live long after these events. He died 4 March 1193, aged 55 or 56. Prior to his death, he had given all his wealth away to the poor, with only a single piece of gold and 40 pieces of silver left—not even enough to pay for his funeral. He was buried in Damascus, in the garden outside a mosque (pictured above).

Richard lived another seven years, but his trip home almost rivaled that of Odysseus. I'll explain tomorrow.

The Battle for Jaffa

The Battle of Arsuf was a great disappointment for Saladin's Ayubbid forces, and to even the score with the Third Crusade under Richard I Saladin decided he needed to re-take the coastal city of Jaffa.

Richard had made a couple approaches to Jerusalem, but was stymied first by horrible weather and then by disagreements among the leaders. He was also concerned that he would not have enough forces to defend Jerusalem once taken and still keep Jaffa and the cities between under control. Furthermore, he was distracted by reports that his brother, John, and Philip II of France were causing trouble back home, and he would have to go back and deal with them.

In July of 1192, Richard started making preparations to wrap up the efforts to re-take Jerusalem. He left a garrison at Jaffa and prepared to depart in his ships. (The illustration shows him leaving the Holy Land from an 1873 book on British battles.) As soon as he was away from Jaffa, Saladin seized the moment and laid siege to the city. Three days of fighting culminated in the Ayubbids storming the walls and entering. The remaining Europeans held out in the citadel and managed to send a message to Richard, who had gone north.

Richard gathered an army, small as it was, and sailed south to attack Jaffa from the seaward side. Without even waiting for the ship to dock properly, Richard leapt off and waded to the shore. Though he had fewer than 2500 men, the Ayubbids were panicked by the sudden arrival and attack, remembering how Arsuf had gone for them. Saladin's men fled Jaffa, and Saladin could not get them back to re-organize until they had fled several miles.

Saladin heard that Richard was getting reinforcements from Caesarea, and decided it was necessary to re-take Jaffa (again) before Richard's army grew bigger. On the morning of 4 August, the Ayubbids concealed themselves in the fields and forests around Jaffa, but a Genoese soldier who was awake early and outside the city walls heard horses neighing nearby and realized what was about to happen. Richard was informed, and his army prepared for the inevitable.

Richard had the infantry array themselves facing the enemy, crouched down, covering themselves with their shields and jamming their spears in the ground with the points facing outward. Behind them, crossbowmen stood at the ready. The crossbows of the Europeans were far more deadly than the light arrow of the Saracens. Each charge by Saladin's men suffered heavy losses, especially among the unarmored horses.

One group of Saracens managed to outflank the Crusaders and enter Jaffa, where the Genoese left to guard the gate fled to their ships, but Richard himself charged with a troop into the city and led the counter-attack. By nightfall, it was clear to Saladin that he had failed, and he withdrew, retreating to Jerusalem and preparing for an attack by Richard that never came.

Tomorrow we'll discuss the aftermath of negotiations and what came of Saladin.

The Battle of Arsuf Result

Once the Hospitallers broke ranks and attacked Saladin's Ayubbid forces at the Battle of Arsuf, the nearest contingent—Frankish troops—joined them. Despite wanting to keep a tight formation until the Ayubbid forces were completely committed, it was inevitable that Richard I had to commit from defense to offense to ensure success.

Muslim historian Baha al-Din wrote that the swift change from passivity to attack startled Saladin's men, who until that moment had been attacking with arrows and receiving little response. The Frankish infantry parted to let the mounted knights surge through toward the Ayubbids, who had no time to back up efficiently. Baha al-Din, who was present at the battle, claimed "the rout was complete," as the Hospitallers and cavalry took revenge, killing many of the enemy and pursuing them.

Richard stopped the pursuit with pre-planned trumpet blasts after about a mile. He re-ordered his troops. Some who had been in pursuit and rode ahead of the main body had been killed when the Ayubbids turned back, including a commander of a Franco-Flemish unit who was the only noble mentioned having been killed at Arsuf. Once Richard had the troops in formation again, he ordered a second attack, leading it himself. After some fighting, Richard once again ordered his men to regroup, then made a third charge. The Ayubbids, having sustained heavy losses, scattered and gave up the fight.

The Ayubbid loss was a source of embarrassment for Saladin, who had been hailed as a brilliant military strategist. Saladin resumed hit-and-run tactics but was unwilling to commit to a full-scale attack, fearful of losing more men. The Third Crusade succeeded in reaching Jaffa on the coast and taking control. From there he could receive reinforcements of men and materials to re-take Jerusalem. Saladin chose to destroy fortresses in Ascalon, Gaza and other places—knowing he would not be able to supply men to defend them—so that they could not be used by the advancing Crusaders.

That winter (1191-92), while Richard re-fortified Jaffa and prepared to march to Jerusalem, negotiations began between Richard and Saladin with no immediate result. In November 1191, Richard started toward Jerusalem, reaching Beit Nuba, 12 miles from Jerusalem, after Christmas. He might have pushed on, but cold weather with rain and hailstorms prompted him to return to the coast until milder weather arrived

Early 1192 saw skirmishes and negotiations, and then Saladin decided he had to regain his reputation post-Arsuf by re-taking Jaffa. Tomorrow I'll tell you about the Battle of Jaffa.

The Battle of Arsuf

Saladin had been following the forces of the Third Crusade, led by Richard I of England, down the coast of the Mediterranean toward Jaffa. Richard knew the port of Jaffa would be important to hold if he wanted support in re-taking Jerusalem. Saladin knew he needed to force a confrontation, and Arsuf was going to be the best chance to attack the Crusaders.

While the Crusaders were crossing the plain of Arsuf, Richard kept the army in a tight defensive formation against the harassing attacks, waiting for the right moment to counterattack. An account of the Third Crusade, the Itinerarium Regis Ricardi ("Itinerary of King Richard"), states that the Ayubbids outnumbered the Crusaders, 300,000 to 100,000. Those numbers are highly flawed, and realistically Saladin probably had about 25,000 soldiers, mostly mounted.

Crusader forces were estimated to be 9,000 with Richard, 7,000 French troops, and about 4,000 from other sources (local, Danes, Frisians, Genoese, etc.). On the morning of 7 September 1191, it was obvious to Richard that Saladin's forces were hiding in the Wood of Arsuf that lay ahead. He had the military orders—Knights Templar, Knights Hospitaller—at the front and rear. He wanted the ranks to stay in formation as much as possible for defense.

The Ayubbids fired arrows and made small skirmishes against the Crusaders, always pulling back to encourage the Crusaders to break ranks and follow, but the defense held. According to the Itinerarium:

In truth, our people, so few in number, were hemmed in by the multitudes of the Saracens, that they had no means of escape, if they tried; neither did they seem to have valour sufficient to withstand so many foes, nay, they were shut in, like a flock of sheep in the jaws of wolves, with nothing but the sky above, and the enemy all around them.

Unfortunately, the attacks were then made on the rear of the column, forcing the Knights Hospitaller to turn and walk backwards to stay with the main army and deal with the attacks. Saladin himself joined this part of the offense. Finally, a contingent of Knights Hospitaller broke away and charged the Ayubbids. To ensure success, Richard had to allow the army to join them, switching from defense to offense.

A note here on whether the Hospitallers acted against Richard's orders: Richard's own letters that make reference to the battle do not place blame on anyone for breaking ranks. It is possible that he allowed those at the head of each division to take initiative, and trusted the sub-leaders to know what was best in their circumstances.

Whatever the case, pitched battle began, the only time Richard and Saladin actually clashed. Tomorrow we'll see the result.

Saladin and Richard

When Richard I of England arrived to lead the Siege of Acre that had been begun by Guy of Lusignan, things started looking up for the Crusaders. A month of constant attacks on the walls by siege engines motivated the garrison holding Acre to surrender, against the orders of Saladin. Saladin relented, ratifying the surrender, and asked that the Muslim garrison be spared. As ransom for their lives, he offered 200,000 dinars, the release of Christian prisoners held by him, and the return of the True Cross.

Unfortunately, the first installment of dinars did not arrive on schedule, and Richard—never known for being calm and collected—chose to respond by killing the Muslim prisoners, all 2700. They were paraded outside the city walls and executed in sight of Saladin's army. A 12th century biographer of Saladin, Baha ad-Din ibn Shaddad, recorded other reasons for the slaughter that do not place blame on Saladin:

The motives of this massacre are differently told; according to some, the captives were slain by way of reprisal for the death of those Christians whom the Musulmans had slain. Others again say that the king of England, on deciding to attempt the conquest of Ascalon, thought it unwise to leave so many prisoners in the town after his departure. God alone knows what the real reason was.

Saladin executed his 1000 Christian hostages in response. Battle was only to be expected next.

Richard's goal was to re-take Jerusalem. The key to that was controlling the port of Jaffa, further down the Mediterranean coast from Acre. Control of Jaffa meant being able provision his army from his ships that would be docked there. He started marching south.

Richard did not want the army stressed by heat and dehydration—issues that had plagued the Crusaders who were wiped out during the Battle of Hattin. He marched the army slowly, limited by the pace of the foot-soldiers and the baggage train, starting in the relative cool of the early morning and sheltering during the hottest hours of the day. Keeping the sea on one side also meant the Crusaders could not be surrounded, even though Saladin's army was mostly mounted and could move quickly. Richard kept mounted regiments ready for attacks. Discipline was tight. Baha ad-Din complimented them:

The Moslems discharged arrows at them from all sides to annoy them, and force them to charge: but in this they were unsuccessful. These men exercised wonderful self-control; they went on their way without any hurry, whilst their ships followed their line of march along the coast, and in this manner they reached their halting-place.

Saladin soon realized he would not be able to stop Richard's advance unless he committed the army to an all-out attack. The Crusaders were approaching an area where it might not be so easy to keep their tight formation: the Wood of Arsuf. One of the few forested regions of Palestine, this miles-long wood would allow him to hide his army and make a surprise attack.

On 6 September 1191, the Crusaders camped on the plain just north of the wood, and rested. The next day, the only face-to-face battle between Saladin's and Richard's armies would take place. See you tomorrow.

Saladin and the Third Crusade

When the Third Crusade started, it became a problem for Saladin. This was not only because it meant more Western European Christians trying to conquer territory in the Holy Land, but because the leader, Emperor Frederick I (aka Barbarossa), had previously made an alliance with Saladin, and now he had to go back on his word and inform Saladin that they were going to be opponents. (We saw recently how Saladin treated oath-breakers.) The Europeans included leaders Barbarossa, Richard I of England, Philip II of France, Guy of Lusignan, and Conrad of Montferrat. Guy had already begun the Siege of Acre before the Crusaders had arrived. (The illustration is of the Siege from a 13th century history.)

You could say Saladin was the cause of the Third Crusade. After the unsuccessful Second Crusade, the Zengid dynasty controlling Syria fought the Fatimid dynasty of Egypt. Saladin, thanks to his military prowess, brought both the Syrian and Egyptian forces under his control, and used this larger army to recapture territory controlled by Crusaders, capturing Jerusalem from Guy and Sibylla in 1187.

The Crusade had early setbacks. Although Barbarossa was a leading figure in starting the Third Crusade, he was elderly. He died before ever reaching the Holy Land. Demoralized, many of the German soldiers returned home. Once the Siege of Acre was lifted, Philip of France and Barbarossa's successor, Leopold V of Austria, went home. The Siege took two years to lift, and they had had enough of camping in the Holy Land and of Richard's arrogance. Richard refused to accord Leopold the same respect he would have given Barbarossa, and refused to have the Austrian banner flown with those of the other countries involved. (Leopold would have his very ignoble revenge against Richard later.)

This put Richard and Saladin as the two major opponents of the Third Crusade. Their respect for each other as rulers and warriors became a story in itself. I'll tell you more tomorrow.

Salah ad-Din

Perhaps the most prominent Muslim in the centuries of the Crusading period was Yusuf ibn Ayyub, a Kurdish man who was given the nickname or honorific Salah ad-Din, meaning "Righteousness of the Faith." To the people of the West, this was abbreviated to Saladin.

He was born about 1137, the son of a Kurdish mercenary and politician. He was well-educated, and reportedly able to discuss arithmetic and law, Euclid and Ptolemy's Almagest, and especially the Quran. He was more interested in religion than military matters, but he became increasingly prominent because of military successes against Crusaders.

He was sent to Egypt in 1164 by Nur ad-Din, Emir of Damascus and Aleppo, to deal with a local power struggle. Shawar, the vizier to the local caliph al-Adid, had been driven from Egypt by a rival, and requested help from Nur ad-Din. Saladin played an important role in a crucial battle between the rival forces, feigning a retreat to draw the enemy into a compromised position.

In 1169, Saladin was named vizier of the Fatimid Caliphate. He was the target of an assassination attempt organized by a rival, but his chief of intelligence warned him so that he was able to foil the plan and have the person behind it killed. The next day, 50,000 Black African soldiers revolted against his rule, which he managed to quell.

I've just recently shared the results of the Battle of Hattin and Saladin's treatment of Guy of Lusignan. Shortly after that episode, however, he faced the Western adversary whose encounters with Saladin brought the man to awareness of all Europeans. Tomorrow we'll talk about the Third Crusade and the arrival of King Richard I of England, called Lionheart.

Guy and Saladin

After the disastrous Battle of Hattin, when Guy of Lusignan overestimated his ability to counter Saladin's encroachment on territory controlled by Crusaders, Guy and a few of his noble companions were brought to Saladin's tent.

Mindful that Guy—however Saladin may have disagreed with his politics or presence in the Near East—was a king, Saladin treated him with respect. Saladin offered Guy a goblet of water, a sign that he was to be treated with hospitality as a guest. Guy tried to pass the goblet to his companion, Raynald of Châtillon, but Saladin stopped him, stating that Raynald was not being offered the same respect as a guest.

In the past, Raynald had provoked Saladin with military skirmishes against the Saracens at a time when the previous king of Jerusalem, Baldwin IV, had made a truce with Saladin. Saladin now declared Raynald an oath-breaker, and would not treat him with respect. (Raynald had acted with Guy as well, at a time when Guy had been made regent on Baldwin's behalf, but Guy was now a king.)

Raynald haughtily replied to Saladin's accusation by saying "kings have always acted thus." Saladin offered him a chance to convert to Islam, but Raynald refused. Saladin took his sword and beheaded Raynald then and there. At the sight of the corpse, Guy went to his knees, but Saladin raised him up, assuring him that "A king does not kill a king." The illustration is by a 17th-century Dutch painter, Jan Lievens, showing the two men, a smiling Saladin and a downcast Guy in golden chains.)

This took place in 1187. Guy was taken prisoner, and his wife, Sibylla, was left to defend Jerusalem. Unfortunately, Jerusalem fell into Saladin's hands on 2 October. Sibylla begged Saladin to release her husband from prison, which he did. The two were rejoined and went to Tyre, the only city still controlled by Christians, thanks to the efforts of Conrad of Montferrat (Sibylla had been married to William of Montferrat, Conrad's older brother, who died years earlier from malaria).

Conrad refused the pair entry, so Guy camped outside the city awhile and later began the Siege of Acre, anticipating Richard the Lionheart's arrival with the Third Crusade. Unfortunately, Queen Sibylla and their two daughters died during an 1190 epidemic; with the queen's passing, Guy's claim to the kingship passed as well. There was another popular claimant for the throne, and Richard Lionheart weighed in as well, but before we get to that, I'd like to give Saladin some proper recognition. He has been a part of the blog for many posts, but we haven't looked at the man himself.

Next time...

Guy of Lusignan

Guy of Lusignan (c. 1150 – 18 July 1194), who married Sibylla of Jerusalem (twice!) in yesterday's post,  has been mentioned before in his role as King of Jerusalem. To be put in the position to become king, he must have had some significance prior to that point, so let's look at his earlier life.

He was originally from a noble family in Poitou. Poitou was part of Henry II's possessions on the continent, overseen by his son, Richard I "Lionheart." Guy and his brothers in 1168 attempted to capture Eleanor of Aquitaine for ransom. They failed, but managed to capture William Marshal (then only in his 20s and not yet risen to prominence). Eleanor ransomed William, but Richard banished the brothers.

The brothers wound up in the Holy Land. Aimery went there first, settling in the Kingdom of Jerusalem and marrying Eschiva of Ibelin, whose father attempted to become King of Jerusalem as Baldwin IV was failing (seen in yesterday's post). Guy came to Jerusalem sometime between 1173 and 1180, joining his brother in Jerusalem.

King Baldwin IV and his mother, Agnes of Courtenay, welcomed and supported Guy. He was made Agnes's constable in Jaffa, and then appointed by Baldwin to be constable of the kingdom. There were rumors that he was having an affair with Agnes, who was 14 years older than Guy, but they were likely designed by others to discredit him because of his growing influence.

His hasty marriage to Baldwin's sister, Sibylla, was designed to stave off the attempt of Raymond III of Tripoli to take over the Kingdom of Jerusalem and marry her off to Raymond's chosen candidate, Baldwin of Ibelin, Guy's brother's father-in-law. The marriage was likely a happy one (see below), and produced two daughters, Alix and Maria. Sibylla's son by her earlier marriage to William of Montferrat died young, so Sibylla and Guy ruled as Queen and King of Jerusalem.

Before they were crowned, however, there were members of the court that disapproved of Guy. They convinced Sibylla to annul the marriage if she wished to be crowned. She agreed, on the condition that she be allowed to choose her next husband. The court agreed, the annulment took place, the coronation took place, and then Sibylla chose her next husband: Guy of Lusignan. She had outfoxed the court for an arrangement that obviously pleased her.

As a war leader, Guy was a failure. In an attempt to prevent the growing encroachment of Saladin on the Kingdom of Jerusalem, Guy marched with the army to the disastrous Battle of Hattin, in which the army was destroyed completely. Saladin's men killed almost everyone, sparing Guy and a few others. The few were taken to Saladin's tent where, well, good and bad things happened. I'll share the gory details tomorrow.

Replacing Baldwin

I've written many times before about the importance of marriages in noble families, forging alliances with other powerful families through marriage. In the case of Baldwin IV, King of Jerusalem, finding a husband for his sister was even more crucial, because he needed to secure the succession, and he wasn't going to get an heir himself.

Baldwin had leprosy, which did not stop him from trying to be an effective king, but it meant marriage and procreation was out of the question. The best route was his sister, Sibylla. She had already been married, to William of Montferrat, and had a son named Baldwin, but William died from malaria. Sibylla herself was in the line of succession, but they wanted to make sure it would last beyond her.

Baldwin himself had become ill when visiting William, and although he survived for several more years, it became important to make sure Sibylla had a husband who could help raise her son to be the next king, and who could be trusted to perform as regent for that son so that Baldwin could safely abdicate, since he was becoming increasingly unable to perform his duties.

The High Court wanted her to marry Duke Hugh III of Burgundy, who was now a vassal of King Philip II of France after Philip invaded Burgundy. Baldwin was so desperate to get Sibylla married that he sent a message to Philip, empowering him to choose another suitor if Hugh refused. Hugh accepted, and intended to sail to Jerusalem in early 1180 for an Easter wedding. Unfortunately, internal strife in France prevented Hugh from leaving.

William of Tyre, who had helped raise Baldwin IV and wrote a history of the lands controlled by the Crusades, recorded that Count Raymond III of Tripoli and Prince Bohemond III of Antioch set out for Jerusalem, sensing Baldwin's weakness and looking to usurp his throne. There is a belief that Raymond's intent was to force Baldwin to marry Sibylla to Baldwin of Ibelin, an important noble and close friend of Raymond, then force Baldwin to abdicate.

Their plan was foiled when Sibylla hastily married Guy of Lusignan, a French knight from Poitou, in 1180. (The illustration is of their marriage.) (His older brother, Aimery of Lusignan, had married the daughter of Baldwin of Ibelin, which would have made family gatherings awkward.) Guy became, by marriage, Count of Jaffa and Ascalon and bailiff of Jerusalem.

In 1182, with his health declining, King Baldwin declared Guy regent, but doubts about how Guy and Raynald of Châtillon provoked Saladin with whom Baldwin had a truce disillusioned Baldwin, and he tried to have the marriage annulled. Baldwin died in 1185, having become blind and lame in his final years. Sibylla's son became Baldwin V, but died within the year.

The High Court agreed that she should be queen, but only on the condition that she would annul the marriage to Guy. Sibylla agreed, on the condition that she be allowed to choose her next husband. The marriage was annulled, Sibylla was crowned Queen of Jerusalem in Summer 1186, and she chose as her husband ... Guy of Lusignan, who was crowned King of Jerusalem in September 1186.

Guy has been mentioned a few times before, and I'd like to tell you a little more about his life before and after becoming King of Jerusalem.

The Leper Warrior

Although Baldwin IV of Jerusalem was confirmed to have leprosy, he was still the only viable candidate to succeed his father, Amalric, as King of Jerusalem. (The illustration shows his coronation.) He did everything he could as king, even going to war, despite the fact that the lack of sensation in his right arm and hand meant learning to guide a horse with his knees.

Jerusalem was essentially surrounded by the forces of the great sultan and warrior Saladin (c.1137 - 1193), with whom there was an unsteady truce. While Saladin himself was in Aleppo, Baldwin planned an attack on Egypt. Baldwin refused to stay behind, and planned to go to war himself.

Baldwin married his sister, Sibylla, to William of Montferrat, and named William count of Jaffa and Ascalon. In April 1177, Baldwin visited William in Ascalon, who had succumbed to malaria. Baldwin also fell ill. William died in June. Baldwin, still ill, could not command the army in the planned attack on Egypt. He had himself carried from Ascalon to Jerusalem in a litter. He handed the regency and leading of the army to Raynald of Châtillon, Prince of Antioch. Raynald's step-daughter had married Emperor Manuel I Komnenos in 1161, and Raynald was a link to the Byzantine Empire, whose navy would be helpful in the Egypt campaign.

On 18 November 1177, Saladin chose to attack Baldwin's territory in Ascalon. Baldwin rode out himself to Ascalon, but Saladin's superior numbers caused him to retreat. He sent a message to Gaza, where the Templar Knights were fighting, requesting their aid. Once the Templars arrived, Baldwin's army (with the king at the forefront) and the Templars soundly defeated Saladin's forces, killing his bodyguard and forcing Saladin to flee.

Baldwin did not fare so well at a future skirmish, however. In the spring of 1179, Saladin's nephew led a force to investigate reports that Baldwin was "stealing sheep." Baldwin was knocked off his horse and, unable to climb back on a horse without help, was carried to safety on a knight's back.

Before the death of William of Montferrat, Sibylla had become pregnant. She had given birth to a son, named Baldwin, and it seemed likely that he was going to be his uncle's successor. In fact, Baldwin IV was probably looking to abdicate, given his worsening health. To have his nephew raised properly, however, it was important to find Sibylla a new husband, one that brought good political connections and could be trusted to raise the next King of Jerusalem. There were those who were aware of the importance of Sibylla's next husband, and wanted that role for themselves. Tomorrow we'll look at the claimants, the winner, and Baldwin's departure from the public stage.

The Leper King

When William of Tyre was asked by King Amalric of Jerusalem to raise and tutor his son, Baldwin (1161 - 1185), he noticed something unusual, and ultimately disturbing. When he played with the other children, and the rough-and-tumble of kids involved pinching each other, Baldwin did not cry like the other children did. His right arm seemed impervious to the pain. (The illustration is from a French translation in the 1250s of a history by William of Tyre.)

Baldwin's riding teacher realized he did not have sensation in his right hand, and so learning to ride a horse was more difficult; Baldwin learned to control the horse with his knees. An obvious source of this problem was leprosy, but without any of the physical signs, they were reluctant to declare leprosy, since that would stigmatize the prince.

According to William, Baldwin had an excellent memory and was a quick learner, though he stuttered. His father was concerned about the boy's future and the succession. He wanted to marry Baldwin's sister, Sibylla, to Count Stephen I of Sancerre, who was chosen to be regent if Amalric died before Baldwin had attained his majority. The couple might have been also considered by Amalric to be a suitable heir to the throne of Jerusalem instead of Baldwin. Unfortunately, the match did not take place, and then Amalric died from dysentery on 11 July 1174.

The High Court met to consider the succession. Baldwin's limitation was known, but with no visible sign yet of leprosy, he was by default the heir and was crowned a few days after his father's death, on the 15th, which happened to be the 75th anniversary of the seizing of Jerusalem by the First Crusade.

Raymond III of Tripoli, a cousin of Amalric, was chosen as regent (after the man who wanted to be regent, the seneschal Miles of Plancy, was murdered in October having failed to get the cooperation of the military). Raymond made William of Tyre Chancellor, but did not replace the seneschal. When Baldwin turned 15 in 1176, Raymond returned to Tripoli.

By that time it was clear that Baldwin had leprosy. The condition advanced rapidly, affecting his limbs and his face, turning his once-good looks into a demeanor difficult to look at. As a confirmed leper, he was not allowed to marry or have children. Lepers were often segregated, but he remained on the throne. Marrying Sibylla to ensure a dynastic succession became a priority, but that becomes a long story in its own right.

Despite the leprosy, Baldwin still fought when necessary. Tomorrow I'll tell you about when Baldwin went to war.

William of Tyre

The First Crusade founded several Christian territories in the East. In order of their founding, they were the County of Edessa, the Principality of Antioch, the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and the County of Tripoli.

The Kingdom of Jerusalem's first ruler was Godfrey of Bouillon. He and his successors expanded the borders of their kingdom, covering approximately where Israel, Palestine, and Lebanon are today.

This included the city of Tyre, the birthplace of William II of Tyre c.1130. Though growing up in Jerusalem, he went back to Europe to study Liberal Arts and canon law in the universities (where he knew a man named Hilary who studied Classical literature while William was there). He studied theology in Paris under Peter Lombard (whose writings became the standard for theological education) and Bologna (probably around the same time as Peter of Blois, who was the same age).

William came back to Jerusalem in 1165, where King Amalric I appointed him ambassador to the Byzantine Empire, and sent Amalric's son, the future king Baldwin IV, to live with and be tutored by William. Baldwin had been born in 1161, so was quite young. Over time, William was to notice something very different about the boy (but more on that later).

When Amalric died in 1174, William became Chancellor to the still-very-young Baldwin, appointed by the regent, Raymond III of Tripoli. William was also made Archbishop of Tyre. In 1179, William led the Jerusalem delegation to the Third Lateran Council, called by Pope Alexander, that declared education should be made free to those who could not afford it, and that expanded the Truce of God.

William also wrote. His account of the Third Lateran and a history of the Islamic states have not survived, but his Latin work called alternately Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum ("History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea") or Historia Ierosolimitana ("History of Jerusalem") was translated into French soon after his death and then into other languages, so has survived.

William's status was connected to his relationship with the king. There had been a brief regency after Amalric died, and Baldwin did not become king in his own right until 1176. There was some debate about his accession to the throne, but he was the only appropriate option at the time. What was the cause of the concern? It had been clear since his childhood that there was something different about him, something wrong, actually, and it would not necessarily prevent him from being king, but it would prevent him from extending the dynasty.

Tomorrow we'll look at Baldwin IV and the sad case of his illness that William noticed even when Baldwin was a child—especially when he was a child.

The Poet Hilarius

In yesterday's post on Eve of Wilton I mentioned that much of what we learn about her comes from the writing of Hilary the Englishman. He studied under Peter Abelard c. 1125 in the Champagne area of France. He also seems to have traveled around, at least to Angers in Anjou because of a poem entitled "To a Boy of Anjou."

A single manuscript of verses exists in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. Hilary wrote three rhyming miracle plays in mixed Latin and French. One, "The Play of the Image of St Nicholas," tells of a Muslim invasion that slaughters everyone they find but cannot harm a single man praying before an image of St. Nicholas.

Most of the poems included in the manuscript are addressed to young boys, possibly erstwhile pupils of Hilary. In "To a Boy of Anjou," Hilary begins:

Beautiful and singular boy,

Kindly inspect, I implore you,

These writings which are sent by your admirer;

Look at them, read them, and profit by what you read.

Prostrate at your knees,

On bended knee, with clasped hands,

As one of your suppliants,

I spare neither tears nor prayers.

I am afraid to speak face to face;

Speech escapes me, I am held speechless,

So I admit my sickness in writing,

Confident that I shall merit healing.

Enough, wretch! I barely bore it

When I tried to hide my love;

Now that I can no longer dissemble,

I finally extend my hands, bound together.

As a patient I demand a doctor,

Holding out my hands in supplication.

You alone have the only medication;

Therefore save me, your clerk.

Since they all profess the beauty of their subjects and his longing for them, Hilary became popular in modern scholarly LGBT circles.

William of Tyre mentioned a Hilary at Orléans c.1150 with whom William was reading Classical literature. This Hilary often gets offered as a possible additional appearance of Hilary the Englishman. This seems unlikely, because what little we know of this other Hilary is that he was connected to northern Italy and wrote in Latin and Italian. I've made one mention of William of Tyre before, but there is a lot more to say about the man who was an archbishop, a chronicler, and a European born in Jerusalem. See you next time.

Eve of Wilton

Goscelin of Canterbury was a monk and writer of hagiographies, producing (among others) one of Saint Edith of Wilton while he was chaplain to the nuns of Wilton Abbey. He did not know her personally, having been born years after Edith died. There was, however, a young nun of Wilton whom he clearly knew very well and for whom he wrote something special.

Eve of Wilton (c.1058 - c.1125) was given to Wilton Abbey as a child by her Danish father when she was about seven years old, eventually becoming a Benedictine nun. Goscelin was the chaplain at the time, and seems to have taken a special interest in her.

She left the Abbey when she was 22, going to Normandy and Chalonnes-sur-Loire in the Anjou region. Apparently, Goscelin was unaware of her departure, and was bothered that he was not consulted on her change of venue. She became an anchoress, living in a small cell with a single window through which books and food were passed for her.

Goscelin was moved to write a book for her, the Liber confortatorius ("Book of Consolation"). It starts out:

O my soul, dearer to me than the light, your Goscelin is with you, in the inseparable presence of the soul. He is with you, undivided, in his better part, that part with which he was allowed to love you, that part which cannot be hindered by any physical distance. ... Since your soul mate cannot and does not deserve to visit you in the flesh, he now seeks you out with anxious letters and long laments. ...

God's provident mercy has afforded us the consolation that, though distant in space, we can be present to each other in faith and in writing. Despite these torments of separation, which I deserved because of my crimes [italics are mine], a letter shuttling back and forth can reconnect us and keep us warm.

You have relinquished me and banished me from your sight, but your love will be able to see me in your reading and to take in my voice and my sighing words, using your eyes for ears ... Therefore do not think me cut off from you. 

The second paragraph's "which I deserved because of my crimes" suggests an Abelard and Heloise situation, an improper relationship between a male mentor and a female mentee in a religious setting. The Liber seems to be a guide for anchoresses, predating the Ancrene Wisse by several decades, but describes their relationship in a way that has caused modern readers to describe it as a "love letter."

The two never met again, and Goscelin encourages anyone finding the book to somehow get it to her.

We don't know if Eve ever saw the book written for her. Her life as an anchoress took an unusual turn. Anchoresses and anchorites usually stayed in their cell until death, but Eve forsook the anchoress life to live with a former monk named Hervé. This was highly unexpected, but we are told they were given approval by an abbot, Geoffrey of Vendôme.

The story of her on the continent was written about by an English poet called Hilary the Englishman. I want to talk about him next time.

Goscelin of Canterbury

In some ways, this is an extension of yesterday's post on the Politics of Saints, because Goscelin—our chief source of information on Edith of Wilton—was likely writing partly from belief and partly from the desire for financial benefit. Not financial benefit for him, of course—he was a Benedictine monk—but benefit to Wilton Abbey (shown, now a manor), for whose nuns he was chaplain. His writing elevated the status of the Abbey since it was the home of Edith of Wilton and her relics.

Goscelin (c.1040 - c.1106) may have been Fleming by birth. He became a monk at St. Bertin's in Saint-Omer in France before traveling to England and joining the household of Herman, Bishop of Ramsbury. (Some of this information comes from William of Malmesbury, some from Goscelin himself.) He probably arrived after the Norman Conquest in 1066.

He became secretary to the bishop and chaplain to the nuns. He was known for writing hagiographies—lives of saints—and these were always designed to put the saint's life in the best possible light. There is no doubt that he faithfully portrayed in his life of Saint Edith what the legends of Wilton Abbey said about her, but the tales of her visions as she appeared to others and urged her own canonization are suspect, as are the few miracles around her relics. He may also have written to please the rulers who believed in her.

After the bishop's death in 1078, his successor was not someone whom Goscelin respected. Osmund of Sées was a Norman, coming in with William of Normandy, and Goscelin for whatever reason did not approve of him. Goscelin traveled around after that, writing hagiographies of various saints. He wrote an account of translating (moving) the relics of St. Augustine in 1091, and dedicated the work to Anselm.

One of his writings was not a hagiography but a book of advice to a young woman at Wilton. He wrote this book not knowing if she would ever see it. The unusual circumstance, the book, and the young girl, will be tomorrow's topic.

The Politics of Saints

After Edith of Wilton died (c.984), her canonization was a slow process, taking 13 years (slow for the time; canonization these days in the Roman Catholic Church has more stringent requirements). One of the issues may have been that, although she chose to remain in Wilton Abbey her whole life, and at the age of two chose religious objects over fine clothing and jewelry, her life was not the same as a humble servant of God.

She wore clothing befitting a princess, had a special metal container for heating bath water, and a collection of exotic animals provided by her father, King Edgar, and others. She also kept contact with her father that enabled her to use his influence in various ways. Goscelin of Canterbury wrote that her influence with her father was so profound that people from other countries and Rome would visit her, bringing her gifts for her growing zoo and asking for help with the king.

Christianity and politics were deeply entwined: kings were believed to rule by divine right, and Christian counsel was sought by rulers. Having a saint in the family was a good sign, so it makes sense that, 13 years after her death, her half-brother Æthelred pushed her canonization with the support of St. Dunstan.

Even King Cnut, who conquered half of England from Æthelred's son, Edmund II, supported her sainthood, perhaps as a way to ingratiate himself to the Wessex royalty, although marrying Æthelred's widow might have been sufficient. Cnut claimed that Edith appeared and saved him from a storm at sea.

Edith's "miracles" were mostly not of helping people with curing illness, but of appearances in visions, and often, shall we say, self-serving. Prior to canonization, she appeared to people urging them to support her elevation to sainthood. Afterward, when a Wilton nun tried to take one of her relics, a headband, Edith's head appeared to warn her off.

Of course, all of this comes from Goscelin of Canterbury, writing several decades after her death. We should take a closer look at him, next time.

Saint Edith

Imagine being a toddler, being raised by your mother in a convent, and then discovering that you are a royal princess. I cannot imagine how that must have affected Edith of Wilton (c.961 - c.984) growing up.

Her mother was Wulfthryth, who was taken from the nunnery at Wilton Abbey by King Edgar the Peaceable, who initially wanted Wulfthryth's sister, Wulfhild. After bearing him a daughter, Wulfthryth decided to return to the nunnery, taking her daughter and leaving Edgar to find another wife (which he did in Ælfthryth).

There is a later story that, when Edith was two, her father came to Wilton and laid before her royal clothing and jewelry, while her mother presented her with religious objects. Edith supposedly reached for the religious objects, displaying her devotion to religion. This story is likely apocryphal, but Edith did, in fact, devote her life to religion. It is also said that, when she was 15, Edgar offered to make her an abbess and gave her a choice of three convents, but she chose to remain at Wilton for the rest of her life.

A saint's life written a century later by Goscelin of Canterbury suggests that Edgar was a supporter of his daughter, his former wife, and the Abbey. Goscelin describes her as wearing very grand clothing at the Abbey, annoying the other residents. Her choice of these royal garments was tested when a candle fell on the chest containing them; the chest burned, but the clothing inside was unharmed.

Edith may have remained a secular member of Wilton and not become a nun. She seems to have lived a grand life. Edgar sent her two foreign tutors, gave her clothing, financed the re-building of the convent with a chapel designed by Edith, and Edith occasionally visited her father's court. Edith also had a private zoo of exotic animals at the convent.

In 984, she built a chapel dedicated to the 3rd-century Saint Denis. The dedication ceremony was performed by St. Dunstan, who predicted that Edith would die in three weeks. She did. At the moment of her death, a nun at Wilton saw ranks of angels singing in the abbey church.

After her death, there were only a few miracles attributed to her, so the progress to canonize her was slow, but she was eventually named a saint by her brother King Æthelred II 13 years after her death.

Of course the stories, especially written long after her death and relying on legends told by the abbey, cannot be taken at face value. There was a great deal of politics to be found in acknowledging certain saints. Tomorrow I want to talk about Edith's sainthood and what it meant to the king.

Wulfthryth and Edith of Wilton

King Edgar (c.944 - 975) had a few children by a few women. One of the women was Wulfthryth of Wilton, an English noblewoman born c.937 who was being educated at the nunnery at Wilton Abbey when Edgar came along. His goal was to marry her cousin, Wulfhild, who was also at the abbey. Wulfhild resisted his amorous advances—her goal was to be a nun, and she eventually became the abbess—and he chose to marry Wulfthryth instead.

With Wulfthryth he had a child, Edith, born c.961. The relationship did not last long, however: in a year or two Wulfthryth chose to return to Wilton Abbey, and took Edith with her. Although Wulfthryth had born a daughter, that did not disqualify her from becoming Wilton's abbess later.

St. Dunstan (supposedly) did not approve of Edgar's actions, taking Wulfthryth away, impregnating her, and then whatever action caused her to leave. He described penance for Edgar, who did not wear his crown for seven years. Edgar also gave Wulfthryth six estates—although that may have been out of actual care for her, not as penance—which later she gave to Wilton Abbey. When bailiffs wanted to arrest a thief who had requested sanctuary at Wilton, she was able to prevent it by her connection to the king. Likewise she secured the release of two priests who had been imprisoned.

Like Wulfthryth, Edith was raised and educated at Wilton Abbey, and chose to enter the religious life. There is a story that, when she was two years old, King Edgar visited her and placed before her a set of clothing and jewelry suitable for a royal princess. At the same time, her mother placed before her religious objects. Edith reached for the religious objects. This story is likely apocryphal, and existed to emphasize her piety by turning away from riches to religion.

At the age of 15, Edgar offered her the chance to be abbess of one of three different convents, but she chose to remain at Wilton. Edgar continued to be supportive of his only daughter, and the balance between her identity as a royal personage and her status as a nun at Wilton remained an issue. I'll talk about her progress to become a saint tomorrow.

After Killing a King

After the startling murder of Edward the Martyr, Ælfthryth's role in the incident came under scrutiny. Was she simply greeting her stepson the king and offering him refreshment after his journey to Corfe Castle to visit her and her son? Or was she deliberately distracting him with a drink so that he could be unsuspecting and unprepared while he was dragged from his horse and stabbed by her (or Æthelred's) retainers?

Or was it possibly a Becket situation, with the retainers acting on their own to remove an obstacle to Æthelred's accession to the throne, knowing this was what he or his mother wanted?

Whatever the case, the murder of a king was shocking. Kings were considered to hold their position by divine right, and killing one was an egregious sin. The hasty burial at Wareham was "unceremonious," to say the least. A year later, the body was removed to Shaftesbury Abbey. When they dug him up, he was deemed "uncorrupted," a sign of saintliness.

Contemporary chroniclers telling the tale of the murder do not name the murderer(s), which is unusual since they would be known, and presumably punished. This reticence could be explained by the writers avoiding naming publicly the person they deemed the real culprit, Ælfthryth. Naming the woman who had been crowned a queen as a plotter of assassination was a bold move.

Chroniclers might also have avoided naming the murderer(s) because they were retainers of Æthelred, and since he was by default the next king, any suggestion that he might have instigated or planned the murder was a chancy idea to put into writing.

In any case, the young Æthelred became king. I've written about him several times, so I want to fulfill a promise I made two days ago, when I said here that I would have more to say on Edgar's "middle" family, his second consort and her daughter. See you tomorrow for the story of Saint Edith.