Egypt Again

January 1169 saw the death of Bertrand of Blancfort, the master of the Templars. Bertrand was not as keen on invading Egypt as was Amalric I, King of Jerusalem.  In August of that year, no doubt with the influence of Amalric, Philip of Milly had been elected to lead the Templars.

Amalric and Philip had been allies for several years: the two had supported Amalric's mother, Queen Melisende, in her opposition to Amalric's brother, King Baldwin III. Around the same time Amalric convinced his ally through marriage, Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Comnenos, to send soldiers to help in the invasion of Egypt (see illustration). Amalric also had the Hospitallers on his side.

This combination Franco-Byzantine expedition thought they would be served by unrest in Egypt. Egypt was being ruled by outsiders, and Shirkuh had been killed. Rough seas hindered the fleet, however, and the mouth of the Nile was blocked, making it difficult to reach the port city of Damietta, their first goal.

William of Tyre reported that Damietta could be taken quickly; however, constructing siege engines took too long, and boats from the south could provide Damietta with fresh supplies. Also, the Egyptians launched a ship on fire at the Byzantine fleet, causing the loss of six ships.

Weather was also a problem. Heavy October rains were demoralizing, and the food stores of the attackers were running low. They were unable to land and find fresh supplies. The Greek leaders felt Amalric was being too timid. Amalric worried that they had not battered the walls of Damietta enough to try to take the city. The Greeks prepared to ignore Amalric and attack, but Amalric started negotiations with Damietta before the attack could take place. For a sum of gold, Amalric retreated. He was back home on 12 December.

It was not wise to stay away from Jerusalem for overlong, since Nur ad-Din was constantly harassing the borders. Then something happened on 29 June 1170 that caused Amalric and Nur ad-Din to declare a temporary truce, something devastating to both men and their people, with a death toll estimated at 80,000. It was not a plague.

Tomorrow we'll look at the earthquake of 1170.

Like a Mouse in a Wallet

Yesterday's post introduced the phrase more muris in pera, "like a mouse in a wallet." It was said by William of Tyre about Andronikos Comnenos, a cousin of the Byzantine Emperor, who came to the Kingdom of Jerusalem.

To explain this phrase, we first have to understand that the word "wallet" was first used in the late 14th century and referred to a very different way of carrying valuables than the pocket-sized device we think of today. The wallet at the time was a satchel (from Latin saccellus, referring to a small bag or pouch) or a knapsack. (The word was first used as a "flat case for carrying money" in 1834 in American English.)

What was a "wallet" centuries ago? A larger pouch, perhaps with a flap, for carrying many things necessary for life: currency, surely, but also items of daily necessity and food. It was something not easily lived without if something happened to it.

So when William of Tyre said that Andronikos acted like a mouse in a wallet, he was describing an ungovernable destructive force, taking advantage of access to important things.

Andronikos (born c. 1120) was an adventurous sort, with a history of scandals, both political and romantic. When he arrived in the area c.1167, he was in his 40s. Byzantine Emperor Manuel made him governor of Cilicia, but he was bored in that post and went to Antioch where there was much more excitement, like seducing Philippa of Antioch, sister of the current Prince of Antioch, Bohemond III, as well as the sister of Manuel's second wife, Maria of Antioch. Bohemond complained to Manuel, who named someone else governor of Cilicia and recalled Andronikos.

Andronikos refused to return, and Philippa turned down the offer of marriage to the newly-appointed governor of Cilicia, berating him for being inferior in all ways to Andronikos. Andronikos and Philippa went to Jerusalem where King Amalric I gave him Beirut to govern.

Andronikos abandoned Philippa a year later, and went to Acre where he seduced Theodora Comnena, the dowager widow of Amalric's predecessor and brother, Baldwin III. The two were about 30 years apart in age. For reasons mentioned yesterday, Amalric did not want Theodora to remarry, and consanguinity said they should not (Theodora was the daughter of Andronikos' cousin Isaac).

Again, Manuel was furious and demanded Andronikos return to Constantinople. When he did not, Manuel sent a command that Andronikos be blinded. This would, of course, make him ineligible to become emperor, no matter his standing in the imperial family. (This was a common way for the Byzantines to eliminate rivals.) Theodora got word of the letter demanding the blinding and warned Andronikos.

Andronikos could not be sure that Amalric would support him rather than help Manuel, and so the two eloped and went to a place they figured they could not be touched by either Manuel or Amalric: the court of Nur ad-Din, currently the biggest rival/enemy of both those rulers! In a way, this was fortunate for Amalric: the two were well out of the way, Amalric got Acre back, and through his own wife was still allied with the Byzantines.

Andronikos had much more ahead of him, including eventually becoming emperor (the illustration shows the gold coin struck showing him being crowned by Christ), but let's at least finish the love story before we return to the Kingdom of Jerusalem under Amalric.

The two traveled a lot over the next decade before settling in northeastern Anatolia just beyond the Byzantine border as guests of the 8th King of Georgia, George III. They had children, and life was fine until Byzantine imperial forces found them and captured Theodora and their children, taking them back to Constantinople. 

Andronikos himself went to Constantinople and appeared before Manuel with a chain around his neck, pleading humbly for Theodora and the children to be returned to him. Manuel relented, and the family was sent to Paphlagonia where they lived in a castle on the Black Sea coast. Andronikos was there to govern, and took  his duties seriously this time. In 1182, he would return to politics, by which time Theodora was probably dead, since she no longer appears in records.

The mouse had found his soulmate, apparently, and finally was out of the wallet. Now we can go back to the wallet and see what Amalric was up to.

Baldwin vs. Melisende

The young King Baldwin III of Jerusalem really wanted to be seen as a military commander. To do this, he would have to take steps to overcome people's (and his mother's) memories of his previous lack of success with the Second Crusade and in Bosra.

A year after the Second Crusade debacle over Damascus he had his chance. The Prince of Antioch, Raymond of Poitiers, and others were killed in the Battle of Inab against Nur al-Din and Unur of Damascus. Antioch was pillaged.

In the past, Baldwin's father and grandfather had each been in a position to assume the regency of Antioch, and Baldwin took up the mantle. He marched his troops north to lay siege to Harim, a city taken by Nur al-Din, but was unsuccessful. He sent an advisor with a troop of knights to protect another city, Azaz. He himself could not stay in Antioch (William of Tyre recorded that affairs in Jerusalem needed his attention).

Around this time, however, the split between Baldwin and his mother, Queen Melisende, began to widen. (See the illustration in which he is admonishing her.) Troops loyal to Melisende refused to march to Antioch, perhaps wanting to prevent Baldwin from achieving victory.

There was also a problem in the kingdom's chancery. Melisende wanted to make Ralph the Englishman, the current chancellor of Jerusalem, the archbishop of Tyre. There was opposition to this from the bishops, and Melisende abandoned the conflict with the Church by giving up on Ralph and dismissing him. She could not appoint another with the consent of her co-ruler. Baldwin decided to keep Ralph as his advisor after Melisende dismissed him.

After this incident, the two co-rulers issued charters separate from each other through chancery. Melisende's charters mentioned Baldwin's name; Baldwin dropped Melisende's name from his pronouncements.

Melisende's most loyal supporters were in the southern part of the kingdom. Baldwin tried to consolidate power in the north, in the coastal cities of Acre and Tyre. When Melisende granted land in that area to the Hospitallers, however, Baldwin did not object, probably to maintain good relations with that particular fighting force. He found his own method of passive retaliation by re-fortifying Gaza in the south.

Baldwin made one very smart move. Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Comnenos asked for the six fortresses of the County of Edessa (it was an exchange, but the details are not important for us). Baldwin, seeing how difficult it was to defend these, gave them willingly. Within months they were lost to the Turks, and Baldwin avoided the blame for their loss.

Then Melisende made a move that disturbed Baldwin: she named her younger son, Amalric, as the Count of Jaffa without Baldwin's approval. Amalric was 15, and giving him a title of his own was not an unknown thing for a prince, but Baldwin may have seen this move—and the fact that Melisende was including Amalric's name in her charters—as an attempt to set brother against brother. 

Before we go further to see the definitive clash between Melisende and Baldwin, we should learn about Amalric. See you next time.

Find Prester John

Yesterday I teased information about Prester John. I wrote about him long ago (here and here), and he got mentioned in other contexts (mostly popes like Honorius III and Eugene III hoping for his aid during the Crusades, and the link to Ethiopia, since it was a Christian nation from early on).

The link to yesterday's post is because Eldad ha-Dani's description of the Bnei Moshe and the unusual geography where they lived was repeated in  letters supposedly sent to Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Comnenos in 1165 from "John, Christian Sovereign and Lord of Lords." The letter also referred to the Bnei Moshe Jewish group living in his land.

Belief in a Christian sect or nation south and east of Europe was bolstered by the stories of St. Thomas the Apostle traveling to India to evangelize. Europeans happily accepted the idea that Thomas' mission was successful. Reports of Christian inroads into the Mongols and Turks of Central Asia by Nestorian Christianity further supported the idea that (it was hoped) there was a large and influential Christian presence in other parts of the world.

The information in the letter also spoke of John's fabulous wealth. Like many medieval literary works, the legends got copied and conflated with others. For example, John later was given adventures taken right from the tales of Sinbad the Sailor.

Besides the fanciful stories of wealth and the exotic land in which he lived, communication with John from the West was much desired because of the possibility that he would meet up with the Crusades with a large army and help to defeat the Saracens in the Middle East. Pope Alexander II sent a letter to John via Alexander's physician, Philip, on 27 September 1177. There is no record of Philip's mission. It is possible that he simply disappeared into the wilderness while fruitlessly searching for his target, but if he did return, obviously there was no recorded result.

Examination of the letter that started it all suggests that, though it was written in Hebrew, the use of several Italian words means it was written by a European, likely someone Jewish living in Italy. Why would someone produce this? To create false hope for Christians? Just to have fun?

As forgeries go, this was a very powerful seed that sprouted into a legend that hung on for centuries. The illustration above shows Prester John on his throne from a 16th century map of East Africa made for Queen Mary.

Forgeries in the Middle Ages were fairly common, and we'll look at some starting tomorrow.

The Leper Warrior

Although Baldwin IV of Jerusalem was confirmed to have leprosy, he was still the only viable candidate to succeed his father, Amalric, as King of Jerusalem. (The illustration shows his coronation.) He did everything he could as king, even going to war, despite the fact that the lack of sensation in his right arm and hand meant learning to guide a horse with his knees.

Jerusalem was essentially surrounded by the forces of the great sultan and warrior Saladin (c.1137 - 1193), with whom there was an unsteady truce. While Saladin himself was in Aleppo, Baldwin planned an attack on Egypt. Baldwin refused to stay behind, and planned to go to war himself.

Baldwin married his sister, Sibylla, to William of Montferrat, and named William count of Jaffa and Ascalon. In April 1177, Baldwin visited William in Ascalon, who had succumbed to malaria. Baldwin also fell ill. William died in June. Baldwin, still ill, could not command the army in the planned attack on Egypt. He had himself carried from Ascalon to Jerusalem in a litter. He handed the regency and leading of the army to Raynald of Châtillon, Prince of Antioch. Raynald's step-daughter had married Emperor Manuel I Komnenos in 1161, and Raynald was a link to the Byzantine Empire, whose navy would be helpful in the Egypt campaign.

On 18 November 1177, Saladin chose to attack Baldwin's territory in Ascalon. Baldwin rode out himself to Ascalon, but Saladin's superior numbers caused him to retreat. He sent a message to Gaza, where the Templar Knights were fighting, requesting their aid. Once the Templars arrived, Baldwin's army (with the king at the forefront) and the Templars soundly defeated Saladin's forces, killing his bodyguard and forcing Saladin to flee.

Baldwin did not fare so well at a future skirmish, however. In the spring of 1179, Saladin's nephew led a force to investigate reports that Baldwin was "stealing sheep." Baldwin was knocked off his horse and, unable to climb back on a horse without help, was carried to safety on a knight's back.

Before the death of William of Montferrat, Sibylla had become pregnant. She had given birth to a son, named Baldwin, and it seemed likely that he was going to be his uncle's successor. In fact, Baldwin IV was probably looking to abdicate, given his worsening health. To have his nephew raised properly, however, it was important to find Sibylla a new husband, one that brought good political connections and could be trusted to raise the next King of Jerusalem. There were those who were aware of the importance of Sibylla's next husband, and wanted that role for themselves. Tomorrow we'll look at the claimants, the winner, and Baldwin's departure from the public stage.

Controlling the Crusaders

I wrote about Enrico Dandolo, the Doge of Venice, 10 years ago here, but let's look at the man who "imprisoned" the Fourth Crusade. Born c.1107, he was 85 when he was elected Doge. His family was very powerful in Venetian society, and the men seemed to live to ripe old ages. This world to Enrico's disadvantage, because his father (Vitale) controlled all the family business until his death in 1174, the sons didn't have much of a public record until then.

One of his first public roles was when Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Comnenos, intending to reclaim Italy as a possession, befriended the Pisa's and Genoese living on Constantinople. Pisa and Genoa were currently enemies of Venice, and the Venetians in Constantinople attacked the Genoese. Manuel responded by having thousands of Venetians in the Empire imprisoned and their goods confiscated. Enrico was part of the retaliatory expedition that failed due to plague. (The enmity between Venice and Constantine would come into play during the Fourth Crusade.)

As Doge, he was involved in the negotiations to have ships ready to ferry the Fourth Crusade from Europe to the Holy Land, as I mentioned yesterday. When only part of the army showed up without all the men and financial resources that hd been arranged, Venice was in a bind: how to recoup the expense of the ship-building they had incurred. based on the promise of payment? The solution was also the solution to another issue: where to house an influx of thousands of people and their equipment.

The temporary housing was resolved by ferrying them all to the island of Lido, a long thin barrier island in the Venetian Lagoon. (The Venice Film Festival takes place there annually in late summer.) Once there, the Crusaders were stuck with no way to leave. Dandolo demanded 85,000 marks in payment. The Crusaders pooled what they had, and came up with 51,000 marks.

Dandolo made an additional offer. Venice would lend the remaining 34,000 marks to the Crusade, so long as it could be paid back by the spoils of the venture. At this point it was late summer, and Enrico had two further suggestions/offers. One was to spend the winter at Zara, cross the Adriatic, and resume the Crusade to the Holy land in the spring weather. This was agreed to, since they relied on the ships and good will of Venice to get to their destination anyway.

The second offer was that Enrico Dandolo, Doge of Venice, aged as he was, would take up the Cross and join them, bring the support of the people of Venice. The offer was made and accepted in a grand ceremony, and in the early days of October 1202, the Crusade departed Venice for the city of Zara to spend the harsher winter months.

The problem on the horizon? Zara was not controlled by Venice. It was a Croatia-Hungary city. Dandolo wanted it subjugated so Venice would have total control over the northern Adriatic, and now he had an army of thousands whom he could coerce to do his bidding. This will turn into the second (but not the last) disaster of the Fourth Crusade. See you tomorrow.

More Holy Girdles

I do not know if the Girdle of Thomas in the Prato Cathedral inspired the others, or if the stories of others in the East inspired a Girdle of Thomas for the West, but there are a few out there that purport to be a cincture worn by the Virgin Mary.

One is the Cincture of the Theotokos. The "Theotokos" is the Blessed Virgin. The story is the same as with the one in Prato. At the time of Mary's death, the remaining Apostles were with her except for Thomas, who was traveling on his mission to India. Thomas arrived three days later and asked to pay his respects to the body. He is led to the tomb, where they find that the body is missing. The conclusion is that she has been bodily taken to Heaven. She suddenly appears and offers her girdle/belt/cincture to Thomas. Thomas is singled out because of his "doubting nature": he did not believe that Jesus had resurrected and appeared until he was able to put his finger into the nail holes in Christ's hands and feet.

This would have happened in the 1st century CE, but the object does not surface in history until the 6th century, when it was brought from Jerusalem to Constantinople (with Mary's robe as well; no knowing if she also tossed that to Thomas). It had gold thread embroidered into it by Zoe, wife of Byzantine Emperor Leo VI. It even has its own feast day, 31 August, established by Emperor Manuel I Comnenos.

The Syriac Orthodox Church has its own Holy Girdle of Mary. In this case, Thomas was brought from India through the sky by the Holy Spirit as Mary lay dying. Even with this miraculous mode of transportation, he was late, but he saw a vision of Mary being taken to Heaven by angels. He asked her to give him a sign, and the chariot in which she was being taken to Heaven stopped so she could give him her belt. Thomas, reversing his reputation for doubt, showed the belt to others to convince them that it was real, then carried it back with him on his travels, creating miracles for those who touched it or even saw it.

This girdle was brought from India in 394 CE and placed in the Saint Mary Church of the Holy Belt. That is the story. It wasn't actually discovered until 1953 when the church was being renovated and this was "found" in the altar. Orthodox tradition celebrates an eight-day Lent in September to commemorate Mary; the belt is brought out for viewing on the last day. The belt/girdle has been cut into almost a dozen parts and distributed to other churches.

The woman who had the Byzantine girdle embroidered with gold thread, Zoe Zaoutzaina, had an interesting rise to power, from a humble first marriage to becoming an empress. I'll tell you about her tomorrow.

Louis and the Second Crusade, Part 1

The Second Crusade was the first to be led by European kings. It was announced by Pope Eugene III, preached widely by Bernard of Clairvaux, and brought Louis VII of France together with Conrad III of Germany and other European nobles, like Frederick "Barbarossa."

The French army reached Hungary, where they were hosted by King Géza II of Hungary. Conrad was already there. Géza asked Louis to be godfather to his son, Stephen. Relations between France and Hungary remained cordial for a long time, and later on Louis' daughter Margaret would marry Géza's son Béla III of Hungary.

Eleanor of Aquitaine accompanied her husband on this journey—well, they traveled separately: Louis had taken a vow of chastity during the Crusade, and did not want to be tempted. She brought 1000 knights from Aquitaine and equipped a large retinue of women with horses and armor, dressed as Amazons. When they reached Constantinople, the men camped outside, while the women were entertained in palaces the likes of which Europe could not offer.

Constantinople had recently negotiated a treaty with the Seljuk Turks, and was now hosting a Crusading army that was going to enter Turkish territory and cause trouble. Some speculate that what happened next was due to interference by Emperor Manuel I Comnenos, who may have tipped off the Turks.

The European armies marched separately, Conrad going first. The French army encountered remnants of the Germans who warned that they had been attacked and defeated by Turks. Shortly after, Louis caught up with Conrad (who was wounded in the head) and the remains of his army. They reached Ephesus at Christmas, where Conrad decided he was too injured to continue. His foot soldiers stayed with Louis while the German nobles all went home.

The French army was then struck with four days of torrential rain that smashed their tents and washed away supplies. Louis chose to cross the mountains to get to Antioch as soon as possible. This put them in the path of Turkish raiders who threw rocks down and shot arrows at them. The parade-and-party atmosphere had faded for Eleanor and the ladies who followed her.

Another disaster arose, this one of Eleanor's making, and it almost destroyed the army. I'll tell you more tomorrow.