Selling Sicily

Pope Urban IV's first move to try to curtail Manfred of Sicily's imperial ambitions was to excommunicate him. This was Manfred's third excommunication, and clearly he was not bothered by them.

Manfred had made himself King of Sicily after the rumored death of his nephew, Conradin, and refused to relinquish the claim when it turned out Conradin was alive (and demanding the title back). Urban tried to "sell" the title King of Sicily to someone he could trust. He offered it to Richard of Cornwall first.

Richard of Cornwall was the second son of King John of England. Matthew Paris writes that Richard refused the title, since Sicily would have to be taken by force. According to Paris, Richard expressed this unlikelihood to the pope by saying "You might as well say, 'I will sell or give you the moon, rise up and take it'."

Richard's brother, King Henry III of England, tried to get Sicily for his son Edmund Crouchback. Pope Innocent IV had already offered it for Edmund in 1254, but England was not keen on paying taxes for a battle to conquer and hold Sicily for a ten-year-old. There were many twists and turns in what historians call the "Sicilian Business," and ultimately no one from England took over Sicily, despite papal attempts and royal wishes.

The title was offered to Charles of Anjou, brother of King Louis IX of France, who (like Manfred) was interested in expanding his properties anywhere he could in the known world. Charles took up the challenge willingly, and the result has been told in the last several posts on this blog. Manfred was killed in the Battle of Benevento, then Conradin was captured and beheaded, and Sicily went into the hands of Charles.

I mentioned a few posts back, however, how driving out the last Hohenstaufen did not mean that no Hohenstaufen would become Sicilian royalty.

Manfred's only daughter, Constance, had been married to the man who became King Peter III of Aragon. Upon her father's death, Constance (in some minds) inherited the title Queen of Sicily, and that is attached to her name by history. By marriage to her, Peter claimed the throne of Sicily and fought over it. (The illustration shows Peter and Constance arriving in Sicily.) The result was the division of Sicily into the Kingdom of Trinacria, ruled by Peter and Constance and their heirs, and the kingdom of Naples, ruled by the heirs of Charles of Anjou.

So Manfred's daughter became Queen of Sicily, and even lived and ruled on the island until her death in 1302. After that, however, there were no heirs of Manfred or Conradin involved in Sicily.

I want to talk about Richard of Cornwall, the man who was offered papal support to take over Sicily but wisely stayed out of that messy conflict. Turns out he had his own prospects, and we'll see what he was up to next time.

Charles and Sicily, Part 4

Events were in place for a final showdown between Charles of Anjou, declared King of Sicily by Rome, and Conradin, teenage son of the last "official" King of Sicily, Conrad IV.

Conradin, convinced by supporters of his uncle, Manfred of Sicily (who had just been killed in battle against Charles) to assert a right to the throne and fight, had left Bavaria and come to Italy, where he invaded Abruzzo (in the middle of the peninsula).

Charles' Guelph forces met Conradin's Ghibelline forces on 23 August 1268 on the plains outside the town of Tagliacozzo. Conradin had greater numbers, but Charles had been advised to keep a French division hidden over a hill to provide a surprise with fresh forces, if necessary.

The tactic proved valuable. It looked like Conradin's forces were winning. The killing of a man in armor that they thought was Charles heartened Conradin's people, and they pursued the retreating soldiers of Charles, thinking that they were now just easily going to round up the leaderless enemy. Then Charles released his French soldiers from hiding.

This fresh force ran through the unsuspecting and already worn troops of Conradin, who fled to Rome with many of his men. He decided to get to Sicily, so left Rome for the coast. He was captured before he could embark for the island, imprisoned in Naples, and then put on trial for treason.

Conradin was pronounced guilty and he, along with his close friend Frederick I, Margrave of Baden, was beheaded on 29 October (see illustration). Their remains were buried quickly. Conradin's mother, Elizabeth of Bavaria, pleaded successfully for a proper burial, and the remains were moved to the church of the monastery of Our Lady of Mt. Carmel at Naples, founded by Elizabeth.

With Conradin's death, the direct male line of the Hohenstaufens, the "People on the High Hill," came to an end. Also, since Conradin had been the heir to the title King of Jerusalem, that title was up for grabs, which has been discussed at length recently. It ultimately went to no other than Conradin's executioner, Charles of Anjou!

Leaving Charles for now...does all this mean that the Hohenstaufens were no longer associated with Sicily? Actually, believe it or not, there was Sicilian royalty not long after from the Hohenstaufen line. To understand this turn of fate, we have to take another look at the man who was named as Conradin's regent by Elizabeth of Bavaria but who usurped the title for himself, Conradin's uncle Manfred.

Tomorrow we'll examine his choices and the consequences that led to his death but led to a throne for his offspring.

Charles and Sicily, Part 3

We left off with Manfred of Sicily killed during battle (illustration) with the forces of Charles of Anjou in 1265. Charles had been named king of Sicily in Rome, but he had to conquer the Regno in southern Italy and then get to the island itself. Manfred had been regent for Conradin, the son of the last king, before deciding to declare himself king. Conradin was now only 13 years old.

Charles had conquered the part of southern Italy linked to the Kingdom of Sicily, but was not well-liked. He enforced a tax on his subjects that popes had declared illegal, and had promised his Guelph supporters that lands taken from them by Manfred's regime would be returned, which bothered those to whom Manfred had granted lands.

Pope Clement IV criticized Charles for these actions. The pope was also concerned about how much power Charles had in northern Italy, which made him a threat to the Papal States if he chose to become tyrannical. Charles resigned his senatorship in 1267, which would have made the pope happy, but then the pope needed him again.

The Guelphs were supporters of the popes. Their rivals, the Ghibellines, supported the imperial authority more than the papacy. Ghibellines had taken over Tuscany, and Clement asked Charles for military help. Charles drove the Ghibellines from Florence, whereupon Charles was named the ruler of Florence and Lucca for a period of seven years. Clement was getting very nervous about all this power in Charles' hands. He summoned Charles and asked him to promise to give up control of Tuscany in three years.

Clement also persuaded Charles to make agreements with the Latin Emperor Baldwin of Courtenay. Charles would help Baldwin re-take Constantinople from Emperor Michael VIII Paleologos, who had recently taken back the city from Venetian control. With these negotiations complete, Charles went to Tuscany, but it took several months to complete the pope's request.

Meanwhile, men loyal to Manfred had gone to Bavaria to persuade the now-15-year-old Conradin to assert his right to the kingdom of Sicily. Showing more ambition than sense, the teenager agreed. Manfred's former aide went to Sicily to stir up a revolt against Charles.

Henry of Castile had been Charles' friend, but had loaned Charles money that was not repaid. He joined Conradin's cause. Frederick of Castile, a Manfred ally, invaded Sicily from the north. Charles was busy in Tuscany while this was going on. In April 1268 he was able to march to Lucera and deal with the Muslim uprising there. News of Conradin's revolt was spreading, and many looked for a return to the old regime.

Conradin was now out of Bavaria and in Italy, invading Abruzzo. Charles hurried north to meet him. Events were leading to a final conflict.

See you tomorrow.

The Muslims of Lucera

When Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II was King of Sicily, he also ruled over a large area that included most of Italy south of Rome. This combined territory was called the Regno. Besides Italians, the population included Greeks, Jews, and Muslims. The Muslims were a diverse mix of Arabs, Berbers, Persians in Palermo, and several converted Muslims in Sicily.

Sicily had once been under Muslim rule, and pockets of resistance wanted to restore it to Muslims. Frederick, of course, wanted to change this. The ultimate solution was to get as many Muslims as possible together and put them in one out-of-the-way place. In 1220 Frederick began the process of getting all Muslims out of Sicily.

He relocated some 20,000 Muslims to Lucera in 1224. (The illustration is Fredrick's castle in Lucera.) There were also settlements in Girifalco and Acerenza all in southern Italy. These settlements also contained Jews, but had few to no Christians. They created Muslim schools, a mosque, and even had their qadi, a Shari'a court for judging disputes. Attempts to convert Lucera to Christianity by Dominicans failed.

They were treated as regular towns, and so paid their taxes and supplied men for the army when called to do so. Judging from the percentage of men they were able to supply for Frederick's military, the Muslim settlements probably numbered 60,000 all together.

By 1234, Lucera was one of the chief trade fairs authorized by Sicily. There were seven trade fairs in the Regno under Frederick, running from 24 June to 1 July each year. Muslims were skilled farmers and bee-keepers who produced honey, and they were allowed to participate in any of the trade fairs in the Regno except in Sicily.

In 1239, some Muslims from Lucera tried to return to their native home of Sicily, but every one who arrived in Sicily was re-exiled.

Manfred of Sicily used Luceran Muslim archers when he was being attacked by Charles of Anjou. When Charles conquered Sicily, Lucera resisted the change of regime, but after a siege and capitulation, Chrles confirmed Lucera in all its original privileges in exchange for a substantial levy.

And now let us return to the matter of Charles and Sicily and see how he became its king.

Charles and Sicily, Part 2

Events were in place for Charles of Anjou, Count of Provence, to take over Sicily. His brother, King Louis IX of France, was behind him, as was Pope Urban IV. Charles' promise to Urban was that he would take over Sicily, but not the rest of the Regno (the combination of Sicily and southern Italy that Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II had ruled).

An illegitimate son of Frederick, Manfred, was acting as regent for Conradin in Sicily (son of Manfred's legitimate brother Conrad IV). Manfred had designs on enlarging his rule. He planned a coup in Rome to deal with papal power, but the Guelphs made Charles a senator to gain his support. This seemed to go against Charles' promise to Urban not to accept any power in Italy itself, and Roman cardinals complained about him to Urban. Urban wouldn't go back on his support of Charles, however, because he needed to rely on Charles' military might.

Urban declared a Crusade against Manfred, and two cardinals went to France to gain support for it. One of the cardinals, Guy Foulquois, became Pope Clement IV in February 1265 after the death of Urban. He convinced Charles to hold Sicily (if he could take it) as a vassal of the pope in exchange for 8,000 ounces of gold annually. Charles agreed to the money, since he'd rule Sicily as he saw fit anyway.

They even promised him the whole of the Regno as the pope's vassal, and on 21 June 1265 Charles was installed as a senator. Clement helped him to borrow more from Italian bankers to finance the conquest of Sicily. To make everything formal, on 5 January 1266 he was crowned by five cardinals as King of Sicily (see illustration). Now all he had to do was take control of the island itself.

Several days later, many thousands of soldiers and cavalry arrived in Rome from France and Provence. By the end of January, he was marching south from Rome with the army to start the conquest of the southern Italy part of the Regno. After crossing the Apennines to get to the town of Benevento, they were attacked by Manfred's army on 26 February. Charles defeated Manfred's army, and Manfred himself was killed.

The rest of the Regno quickly capitulated, including a Muslim colony in Lucera.

Charles sent Philip of Montfort to Sicily, where Manfred's widow and family were captured. The widow, Helena of Epirus, had come with a dowry of the island of Corfu. Charles had his troops seize Corfu within the year.

Conradin was still alive, though, and with a claim to Sicily from his father. He would have to be dealt with.

Let's have a short intermission, however, and talk about the sixth paragraph above: the Muslim community of Lucera.

Charles and Sicily, Part 1

While Charles of Anjou was consolidating his rule over the counties of Provence and Forcalquier between 1250 and 1252, events elsewhere were shaping up to be advantageous for him.

Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II died in 1250. Frederick had been King of the Regno, which comprised Sicily and southern Italy almost all the way up to Rome (its coat of arms is shown here). Upon his death, Pope Innocent IV declared that the Regno reverted to control by the Vatican. The Vatican, however, would need a strong military force to keep it under Vatican control.

Innocent offered the Regno to Richard of Cornwall, uncle to King Henry III of England. Frederick's son Conrad IV of Germany also claimed the Regno, and Richard did not relish a war against Conrad, so declined. Provence was fairly close, and Innocent turned to Charles, but Charles' older brother, King Louis IX of France, told Charles to stay out of it because Louis recognized Conrad as the rightful heir.

Charles declined the offer formally in October 1253. A year earlier, Queen Blanche had died, and Louis made Charles and their brother Alphonse co-regents of France so that Louis could stay fighting in the Holy Land.

Meanwhile, in Provence, another rebellion rose, led by Boniface of Castellane and supported by Charles' mother-in-law, Beatrice of Savoy. We know some of Boniface's actions through poems written about different phases of the rebellion. Boniface raised arms against Charles in Marseille, but this time a previous rebel and friend, Barral of Baux, stayed loyal to Charles and helped suppress the revolt. Boniface was exiled and went to Spain where he tried to raise allies against Charles. Marseilles had its fortifications dismantled so that it could no longer resist the ruler.

As for Beatrice, Louis returned from the Holy Land and persuaded her to return Forcalquier to Charles and pay restitution of 160,000 marks over the next 13 years.

But what of Sicily? In 1258 the Regno got a king, Manfred, an illegitimate son of Frederick. While Innocent was looking for someone to take over the Regno, Manfred had been there, suppressing rebellions and attempting to rule, but stepping aside when legitimate son Conrad IV showed up in 1252. Conrad died in 1254, leaving his young son Conradin with Manfred as regent.

In 1263, it looked like Manfred might use the Regno as a base to make himself Holy Roman Emperor, leaving Conradin in Sicily. This concerned Pope Urban IV, who like his predecessor offered the kingdom to Charles. This time, Louis supported the idea of Charles invading Italy and Sicily. Upon this news, Manfred declared himself heir to the Holy Roman. Empire, setting up the final clash.

See you tomorrow.

Charles and Rebels and Salt

The French word gabelle derives from the Italian gabella, which means "duty." It was a tax applied to agricultural and industrial items, such as bed sheets, wheat, spices, wine...and salt.

The crusade against the Albigensians was concluded in 1229 by French King Louis IX, whereupon Louis gained control of the Rhône Estuary in Provence. Situated on the coast of the Mediterranean, it was an ideal place to set up salt-evaporation ponds. Salt was used by everyone everywhere, and producing and controlling the supply was a valuable source of income for the French crown. (The illustration is from this article about those same salt pans still being used today.)

When Charles of Anjou became Count of Provence, the salt of the Rhône Estuary came under his control. Upon his return from his brother's Seventh Crusade, he gained a monopoly over salt, and in a few years it provided over 50% of his operating revenue.

He also had to deal with some towns that had banded together to oppose his rule, bringing military might and some diplomacy to counter Arles, Avignon, and Marseilles. His threats motivated the Archbishop of Arles, Jean Baussan, to hand over his secular rights to Charles. A few other prelates did the same, avoiding trouble and allowing Charles to increase his revenues.

Charles' brother Alphonse, Count of Poitiers, helped with military assistance. Arles surrendered to Charles and Alphonse in April 1251, Avignon in May. Barral of Baux, chosen by the three towns to lead their military, surrendered in June and became a loyal supporter of Charles. Marseilles held out until July 1252 (although they would try to revolt again later under new leadership).

Barral was eventually made Grand Justiciar of Sicily by Charles. You may ask, what right did Charles have to appoint officials in Sicily? That's a story for next time.

The Start of Charles' Reign

Some months after Charles of Anjou married Beatrice of Provence in 1246, therefore becoming Count of Provence and Forcalquier, he was knighted by his brother, King Louis IX, and formally given the counties of Anjou and Maine. (He had representatives manage them for him.)

Preparations had been underway in France for a Crusade (the Seventh), and Charles joined his brother along with their other brothers, Robert and Alphonse. They did not depart until 25 August 1248.

While Charles was away, the cities of Arles, Avignon, and Marseilles joined their military forces in an alliance. They chose a leader of their own, Barral of Baux, who had helped negotiate a conflict earlier between Savoy and Provence. Barral's army helped Charles save Beatrice of Provence from the forces of James I of Aragon that had surrounded her, and Barral's army helped guard the wedding of Beatrice and Charles. Now, however, Barral became Charles' rival.

Barral saw Charles' disrespect for the local nobles and was willing to join the rebellion against him. Charles' mother-in-law, Beatrice of Savoy, supported the rebel alliance. But more on that later.

The Seventh Crusade did not go well. Louis was very keen on it, but no one else in Europe was interested or free enough of other concerns to join. The French had to go it alone. They invaded Egypt in early June 1249, capturing Damietta and intending to invade Cairo in November. Charles' older brother Robert was killed in battle in February 1250 (see illustration). While retreating from Egypt, the remaining brothers were captured. Their ransom was the return of Damietta and the payment of 800,000 bezants.

While the army sailed to Acre, Charles showed his callow nature by spending his time gambling while Louis was mourning their brother. This annoyed Louis.

Returning to Provence, Charles continued to have his people make an account of all the towns and his possessions and claims. His decisions to increase his revenue and make demands of towns came up against the rebellion. One particular decision that rankled was the salt tax. We'll learn more about that tomorrow.

Securing Beatrice

The agreement was made in 1245 between several powerful individuals that Beatrice of Provence (heir to the counties of Provence and Forcalquier, pictured here) would marry Charles of Anjou. Part of the deal was that Pope Innocent IV would endorse the marriage if Charles' brother, King Louis IX of France, would offer Innocent military support against Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II (who wanted Beatrice to marry one of his sons).

Another part of the agreement was that, if Charles and Beatrice had no heirs, her counties would go to the king of Aragon, currently James I, whose army currently surrounded Beatrice's residence at Aix-en-Provence, and who had made claims to Provence previously.

Not everyone was happy about this.

The mother of Beatrice, Beatrice of Savoy, had not long before arranged for a loan of 4000 marks from Henry III of England for her husband, Ramon Berenguer V. Some castles in Provence had been put up as collateral. Henry felt he should have been part of the negotiations, since there were castles in Provence that potentially could become his. Also, Beatrice's older sister Eleanor had married Henry 10 years earlier, and Henry had still not received all the promised dowry.

The immediate problem was Aragon, however. Charles took 500 knights and rode to Provence, encountering Raymond VII of Toulouse along the way. Raymond also wanted to marry Beatrice, but his retinue was smaller than Charles' and so was easily turned away.

Once Charles reached Aix-en-Provence, after a brief clash (supported by Barrel of Baux, of whom more tomorrow), James accepted the terms agreed upon, that Aragon might get those counties anyway, and returned home.

Beatrice and Charles were married at Aix-en-Provence on 31 January 1246, with soldiers guarding the ceremony.

Then Charles brought his own team of advisors to Provence and cut his mother-in-law off of involvement in government. He also started taking management of castles away from the local nobles. This made him unpopular. Marseilles threw Charles' officials out of their city. Charles' wife supported him, but Beatrice of Savoy "exiled herself" to Forcalquier.

Charles was only 20 years old, and not even knighted yet. This was a swift elevation from youngest son destined for the Church to Count of Provence and Forcalquier, two large territories on the continent...and this was only the beginning.

See you tomorrow.

Charles & Beatrice of Savoy

Charles of Anjou became Count of Provence and Forcalquier by his marriage in 1246 to Beatrice of Provence. His attempt to rule them was challenged by his mother-in-law, Beatrice of Savoy.

Beatrice of Savoy (1198 - 1267, whose tomb is shown here) was considered not only (according to Matthew Paris) extremely beautiful (like her daughter) but also very smart and politically shrewd. A couple years before the marriage of her daughter and Charles, for instance, she had convinced King Henry III of England to lend 4000 marks to her husband.

She was also involved in the negotiations regarding her daughter's marriage, and now may be a good time to explain what I teased in yesterday's post about that matter.

Because Ramon Berenguer V managed to get his three eldest daughters marriages that led to them being queens, he left the counties of Provence and Forcalquier to his youngest, Beatrice of Provence. When this became known, many powerful men in Europe angled for her hand in marriage.

James I of Aragon was already married to Violant of Hungary, but that was after he annulled a marriage to Eleanor of Castile after eight years (!) and having a son with her. He invaded Provence, because he had designs on Provence from long ago, and actually surrounded Beatrice's castle.

Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II sent his navy to Provence to gain leverage so that he could get Beatrice married to one of his sons. Count Raymond VII of Toulouse (divorced twice already) appealed to Blanche of Castile, mother of King Louis IX of France, for her support to marry young Beatrice. (Raymond's mother and Blanche's mother were sisters, both daughters of King Henry II.)

Blanche, however, was in favor of a different approach. Her youngest son was destined for an ecclesiastical life, but this was an opportunity to give him something more prestigious and tie Provence more closely to France. Blanche, Louis IX, Pope Innocent IV, and the young Charles of Anjou met in 1245 in Cluny. Innocent had many issues with Frederick, and did not want to see Frederick gain any more territory. Innocent was happy to endorse marriage between young Beatrice and Charles in exchange for Louis giving Innocent military support against Frederick.

Mother and daughter were satisfied with the terms, but not everyone was. King Henry III of England had an issue with them, and there was the problem of James I of Aragon, who was parked outside Beatrice's residence and would need to be dealt with. How that went will be a subject for tomorrow.

Charles of Anjou

King Louis VIII of France (1187 - 1226) and Blanch of Castile (1188 - 1252) had several children, one of whom became the next king of France, but their youngest son, Charles (1226 - 1285), had to find other venues for greatness.

Young Charles was fond of the fact that he was the first in the Capetian dynasty who was actually named after Charlemagne. He was also born to Louis after Louis became king, meaning he was the only son of Louis actually born to a king, or born "to the purple."

Youngest royal sons often had nothing to inherit—no land and no titles—and therefore were placed in powerful ecclesiastical positions (whether they were trained or interested was immaterial). His education included what a good priest would know: he would understand Catholic doctrine and be literate. He learned about medicine and law, and he enjoyed poetry (the illustration shows him depicted in a manuscript of one of his songs). Much of this took place away from his family, at the court of his brother, Count Robert I of Artois, who was about 10 years older.

Charles would have been put into a church role, but along came Beatrice of Provence, who was a few years younger.

Beatrice was the youngest daughter of the Count of Provence, and like Charles likely would have been destined for a convent. Her father had found very good marriages for his three elder daughters (they all became queens) and, since they were all provided for, he left his title to Beatrice. His death would make Beatrice the owner of the counties of Provence and Forcalquier.

Suddenly, Beatrice was a prize for any man, and several powerful men took steps to gain her hand (and tracts of land) in marriage. She was also considered a great beauty. (There is much more to this story, but we're going to focus on Charles for the moment.) Suffice it to say that the two were married in 1246, the year after her father died and she became wealthy.

Charles set out to control the two counties as the Count by right of marriage, but clashed with the nobility and Beatrice's mother, Beatrice of Savoy. This was to be his first taste of trying to rule those who did not want to be ruled, and his motivation to become ruthless in the future.

More on his problem with Provence and his mother-in-law tomorrow.

Charles' Jerusalem

After Maria of Antioch "sold" her claim to the title of Queen of Jerusalem to Charles of Anjou—however illegal it was to the High Court of Jerusalem—he intended to take it over. 

Charles might have been emboldened by a few things. It was understood that Maria had the better claim than Hugh III of Cyprus, Pope Gregory X had felt her claim strong enough to authorize an investigation into the situation, and Gregory apparently had a low opinion of Hugh. Also, Gregory wanted a new Crusade, and Charles had a strong military at his command.

Also, the Knights Templar supported Maria for whatever reason (suggestions are that they thought she would not be a strong military-oriented ruler and the Knights would be able to do as they liked, or that they knew of her interest in selling her claim to Charles and they wanted his military might to fight Muslims).

Gregory X was succeeded by Pope John XXI, who supported Charles.

Charles sent an emissary, Roger of San Severino, to Acre (the capital) to declare Charles' rule. The bailiff of Acre, Balian of Ibelin, Lord of Arsuf, refused to let him enter the citadel. Roger produced documents signed by Charles, Maria, and Pope John XXI authorizing Roger to enter Jerusalem. The Knights Templar and the Venetians also spoke on Roger's behalf. The Knights Hospitaller and the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem would not get involved.

Roger flew Charles' standard above the city and started demanding oaths of loyalty to Charles. The High Court was called upon to determine the propriety of this change. The barons wanted to be released from their oaths of loyalty to Hugh. The kingdom was thrown into chaos at the abrupt change. Roger of San Severino became bailiff of Jerusalem until 1282.

One important point to note is that the reason the position of King of Jerusalem needed to be filled in the first place was because of the death of the young previous king, Conradin, who had ben beheaded in battle a few years before (see illustration). Who beheaded him, you should ask? It was Charles of Anjou, the man who was now declaring himself King of Jerusalem!

What? How? Why was Charles like this? We owe it to ourselves to take a closer look at this man and his effect on Europe and the Holy Land. We'll start that journey next time.

Maria's Claim

Maria of Antioch had a stronger claim to the throne of Jerusalem in 1268 than the man who was crowned.

Born c.1220, she was a granddaughter of Queen Isabella I of Jerusalem. After the death of Conradin, who was young enough to need a regent and was never in Jerusalem itself, the throne went to Hugh III of Cyprus. Maria brought her claim to the High Court of Jerusalem, but their decision gave the title to Hugh.

Maria did not stop, however. At the coronation, she sent people to run into the church, make a protest, and run out. Maria herself pursued the claim elsewhere. In 1270 she was in Sicily where she made contact with Charles I of Anjou, the man (incidentally) who had killed Conradin. She gained some support from him, and historians believe she might have wanted his help to secure her title which she would then sell to him in exchange for wealth that would secure her for life (as we will see later).

She appealed to Pope Gregory X, who gave the bishops of Nazareth and Bethlehem the task of investigating her claim. She attended the Second Council of Lyons in 1272 (pictured) and presented her case there, but they were dealing with much weightier matters: Gregory was pushing the idea of a new Crusade.

Although everyone there understood that she had a better claim than Hugh, it was the cardinal St. Bonaventure who caused the papal curia to wash its hands of the matter, stating that only the High Court of Jerusalem had the authority to choose their king. Maria withdrew her case for lack of money to pursue it.

Meanwhile, Charles gave Maria a house in Naples in 1276, and a year later Maria "sold" (if that's possible) her claim to the throne to Charles in exchange for 4000 livres tournois annually and 10,000 bezants.

Although this sale meant nothing legally in Jerusalem, Charles intended to rule Jerusalem no matter the legality. I'll talk about that tomorrow.

The People on the High Hill

The Hohenstaufens were a dynasty of German kings, many of whom also held the titles Holy Roman Emperor, Duke of Swabia, and (briefly) King of Sicily. From 1138 until 1254, their political power helped maintain stability in a large part of Europe.

The name by which they are usually known—the dynasty is also called Staufen or Staufer or the Swabian dynasty, due to their beginnings in the Duchy of Swabia—comes from German hohen "high"and Staufen, the name of the conical hill in Swabia on which their home castle was built in the 11th century (now in ruins that you can visit; there is a coffee shop near the peak). The family motto was the Latin "Sanguis, Pluma, Saxum"; Sanguis, "blood," referred to family/heritage; Pluma, "quill," meant learning; Saxum invoked the castle and signified strength and protection.

The first person we can ascribe to this family was Frederick, who was made Duke of Swabia in 1079 by Holy Roman Emperor Henry IV. Frederick built the castle on Staufen. The family tree of the Hohenstaufens is complex, with the male members holding one or more titles. You can find a thorough listing and family tree here. Frederick II was one member mentioned in this blog, as were Conradin and Henry VI.

One of the "recurring themes" of the Hohenstaufen dynasty was The Investiture Controversy, the question of who had ultimate authority, pope or emperor? Holy Roman Emperors were crowned by the pope, but did that mean the pope had authority over the emperor? It would be easy to say that the pope had authority over spiritual matters and the emperor over worldly ones, but when the pope is a landowner and the Holy Roman Emperor rules over the country in which the pope resides, does that mean the emperor (or other local secular lord) can make bold decisions that affect the pope?

The end of the dynasty was relatively swift and brutal. Conradin, mentioned above, was only two years old. His regency had to defend Sicily against an invasion by Charles of Anjou, brother of King Louis IX of France, who had been promised the title King of Sicily by the popes who wanted to diminish the Hohenstaufens' influence. (The papacy had promised it to King Henry III of England, but he gave it up.) King of Sicily at the time was Conradin's uncle Manfred, who was killed in battle. Conradin himself was executed by Charles after a later attempt to retake Sicily, and the last of the direct Hohenstaufen dynasty was ended. (Manfred had a son, Henry, who died in captivity.) Charles of Anjou became Charles I of Sicily, and the papacy got what they wanted...they thought.

Of all the rulers that came from the Hohenstaufen dynasty, there is a queen who not only had a place in history, but was immortalized in literature. I'll tell you about her next time.

Edward I - Crusader

In 1271, Edward, Duke of Gascony, went on a continuation of the Eighth Crusade that is sometimes called the Ninth Crusade and sometimes Lord Edward's Crusade. The Eighth had been started in 1270 by King Louis IX of France, but Louis died of dysentery when he reached Tunisia in Northern Africa. The Treaty of Tunis that followed resulted in freedom of Christians to preach and build churches in Tunisia, and the Crusaders went home.

To the east, the Mamluk sultan of Egypt, Baibars, defeated the Mongols and began attacking Christian crusaders, who appealed to Europe for aid. Edward and his brother Edmund were going to join Louis at Tunis, but were delayed because of their father's uncertainty whether he wanted to join (he was 63 at the time; I can personally understand his reluctance). The brothers reached Tunis mere days after the signing of the treaty, and opted to stay in Sicily at the invitations of Charles of Anjou, Louis' younger brother, while deciding what to do next.

Other crusaders went home, but Edward chose to continue, arriving at Acre on 9 May 1271 with a mere 1000 men, 225 of whom were knights. It was currently under siege by Baibars, who abandoned the siege rather than have the European military surround him. Baibars chose other goals, such as capturing Montfort Castle. Edward wrote to Abaqa Khan, current ruler of the Mongols, to promote a Franco-Mongol Alliance. Abaqa replied in the affirmative, asking for a date when they could jointly attack Baibars and the Mamluks.

Edward launched some raids with little effect, but the arrival of his brother Edmund with reinforcements emboldened him to larger attacks, especially when joined by local Templar, Hospitaller, and Teutonic Knights as well as 10,000 horsemen sent by Abaqa. The Mongol forces, however, after some victories and successful looting, retreated back across the Euphrates and left the Europeans to their own devices.

(Side note: during this time, Teobaldi Visconti, papal legate who had been to England to aid Henry in the Second Barons' War and had chosen to accompany Edward on Crusade, received word that he had been elected Pope; he returned to Rome as Gregory X. He also reached out to Abaqa Khan.)

In December 1271, lacking the Mongols, Edward and his forces took Acre after repelling another Mamluk siege. Edward realized the forces needed to maintain Christian occupation in the Holy Land were too meager. Understanding that peaceful negotiation was the only way forward, he managed a truce with Baibars of 10 years, 10 months, and 10 days. One month later, there was an assassination attempt on Edward, wounding him and delaying his return to England.

Edward went to Sicily in September 1272 to further recuperate.

There was never another Crusade to the Holy Land, despite discussions and requests in that direction. The Mamluks continued to re-take the areas that the Europeans had occupied. In 1275, Abaqa wrote to Edward, asking him for help against the Mamluks. Edward said he would consider it if the pope called for a Crusade, and thanked Abaqa for his earlier help. Abaqa wrote with the same request, apologizing for not providing more aid in 1271.

In 1291, pilgrims from Acre killed 19 Muslim merchants after being attacked by brigands. This was used as a pretext to attack Acre, the last Crusader state. With Acre out of Christian hands, the era of Crusades and a political presence in the Holy Land was over. The illustration is an 1835 oil painting titled "The Return of the Crusader" but often called "The Last Crusader," by Karl Friedrich Lessing.

But that was all in Edward's future. While resting in Sicily, he received news that his father had died. He began his journey back to England, where he was crowned King Edward I on 19 August 1274. We will see what kind of king he was next time.

Conradin

The Hohenstaufen family came from unknown origins to be Holy Roman Emperors from 1138 to 1254 (with a break of four years between 1208 and 1212). Holy Roman Emperor Henry IV made Frederick of Hohenstaufen a Duke of Swabia from 1079 until his death in 1105. Duke Frederick married Henry's daughter Agnes; their sons were heirs to the Empire when Henry's son Henry V died childless in 1125.

On 25 March 1252, Conrad IV of Germany and Elizabeth of Bavaria had a son, Conrad. When his father died two years later, the child became Duke of Swabia, King of Sicily, and King of Jerusalem.

Regents held Swabia for him. Jerusalem was managed by a relative in Cyprus. Sicily was handled by his father's half-brother Manfred, who usurped the throne for himself in 1258. The child, being raised by his uncle the Duke of Bavaria and called by the diminutive Conradin, didn't have the resources to hang onto Sicily.

Because of his tender age, Pope Alexander IV forbade him becoming Holy Roman Emperor—even though Hohenstaufens were Guelphs, supporting the authority of the pope over that of the Holy Roman Emperors—giving it instead to Alfonso X of Castile. His other royal titles were respected, however. The Guelphs of Florence invited him to come and re-take Sicily from Manfred, but his uncle refused the invitation since his ward was still a child. Manfred was killed by Charles I of Anjou, who then tried inserting himself further into Italian politics. Envoys from Italy were sent to Conradin, asking for his help against the Angevin incursion. Having just become a teenager, Conradin accepted the offer, crossed the Alps, and declared his intention to reclaim Sicily.

He received moral and military support from many quarters, and in July 1268 his fleet defeated that of Charles. In August, however, at the Battle of Tagliacozzo in central Italy, Charles proved a more clever commander and defeated Conradin's army of Italian, Spanish, Roman, Arab, and German troops. Conradin escaped capture, fleeing first to Rome and then to Astura, where the lord of Astura, Giovanni Frangipani, offered him refuge. Giovanni was not his friend, however; he turned Conradin over to Charles, who had him beheaded on 29 October 1268. He was the last Hohenstaufen, so with his death the dynasty ended.

What happened to his titles, since he left no heirs? Sicily was gone. Swabia was claimed by Frederick, the son of Conradin's Aunt Margaret on his father's side. (Frederick also "claimed" Sicily, but that was not going to achieve anything.)

The "Kingdom of Jerusalem" was a more complicated situation—as it always had been. Let's go there next time.

The Battle of Lewes

The remains of Lewes Castle

King John wasn't the only English monarch who had his barons turn against him (forcing him to sign the Magna Carta). Another constitutional crisis arose a mere 50 years later during the reign of Henry III.

Henry lived a lavish lifestyle that demanded lots of money, which he demanded from increased taxation. He also got involved in issues that the English barons felt were not necessary to England's interests. For instance, Henry "bought" the title of "King of Sicily" from Pope Innocent IV by funding a war with the rulers of Sicily at that time, the Hohenstaufens. Henry wanted the title for his second son, Edmund. When funding for the war ran out, and victory was no longer in sight, Innocent reneged on the deal and gave the title to Charles of Anjou.

The barons, led by Simon de Montfort, tried to control Henry with, among other things, the 1258 Provisions of Oxford, reducing his powers. Henry got a dispensation from the pope in 1261 that released him (in his eyes) from the Provisions, and the barons and the forces loyal to Henry started arming for civil war.

A turning point came on 14 May 1264, at the Battle of Lewes. Henry was ensconced in Lewes Castle in Sussex, but left it to attack de Montfort's forces. Part of Henry's army was under his command, and part under that of Prince Edward (later King Edward I). Edward's cavalry drove off the attackers, but Edward pursued them, leaving his father outnumbered by the remaining de Montfort men. Captured, Henry was forced to sign an agreement called the Mise* of Lewes, giving control of government over to Simon de Montfort.

Constitutional historians do not recognize de Montfort as a king, even though he was controlling the government for about a year. His support faded, and Prince Edward raised an army a year later and defeated de Montfort at the Battle of Evesham, returning power to Henry.

*"Mise" is a rarely used word from French meaning "settlement."

Gregory X

Today is the anniversary of the death of Pope Gregory X. He has already been mentioned in Daily Medieval, but let's take a closer look at his career.

Pope Gregory X is presented Kublai's letter by the Polos

His election as pope came after a three-year vacancy (1268-1271) in the position. The cardinals were split between French and Italian factions. Charles of Anjou, younger son of King Louis IX of France, had taken over Sicily and started to interfere with Italian politics. The French cardinals were fine with this; the Italian cardinals were not. The cardinals met in the town of Viterbo and vote after vote produced no clear candidate. Finally, the citizens of Viterbo locked them into the room where they met, removed the roof to expose them to the weather, and allowed them nothing but bread and water.

On the third day, they picked a pope.

Cardinal Teobaldo Visconti was Italian, but had lived most of his life in the extreme north and was unaffected by the recent Sicilian difficulties. He was chosen as a compromise candidate.

Visconti was not even aware that he was considered as a candidate; he wasn't there. He was with Edward I of England on the Ninth Crusade as a papal legate. While there, he had been met by the Polos, who had letters from Kublai Khan for the pope.

When word came to him that he was the new pope, his first act was to request aid for the Crusade. He then sailed for Italy and called the Second Council of Lyons to discuss the East-West Schism and corruption in the Church. He also heard from the Polos again, who pressed him (now that he was pope) on Khan's request for 100 priests to come east and explain Christianity. The new pope, who took the name Gregory X, could only offer a few Dominicans (who tarted out on the long journey, but lost heart and turned back).

Gregory did establish relations with the Mongols, however, when the Mongol ruler Abaqa Khan (1234 - 1282) sent a delegation to the Council of Lyons to discus military cooperation between the Mongols and Europe for a Crusade. Plans were made, money was raised, and then Gregory died on 10 January 1276. The project failed.