Charles and Sicily, Part 4

Events were in place for a final showdown between Charles of Anjou, declared King of Sicily by Rome, and Conradin, teenage son of the last "official" King of Sicily, Conrad IV.

Conradin, convinced by supporters of his uncle, Manfred of Sicily (who had just been killed in battle against Charles) to assert a right to the throne and fight, had left Bavaria and come to Italy, where he had invaded Abruzzo in the middle of the peninsula.

Charles' Guelph forces met Conradin's Ghibelline forces on 23 August 1268 on the plains outside the town of Tagliacozzo. Conradin had greater numbers, but Charles had been advised to keep a French division hidden over a hill to provide a surprise with fresh forces, if necessary.

The tactic proved valuable. It looked like Conradin's forces were winning. The killing of a man in armor that they thought was Charles heartened Conradin's people, and they pursued the retreating soldiers of Charles, thinking that they were now just easily going to round up the leaderless enemy. Then Charles released his French soldiers from hiding.

This fresh force ran through the unsuspecting and already worn troops of Conradin, who fled to Rome with many men. He decided to get to Sicily, so left Rome for the coast. He was captured before he could embark for the island, imprisoned in Naples, and then put on trial for treason.

Conradin was pronounced guilty and he, along with his close friend Frederick I, Margrave of Baden, was beheaded on 29 October (see illustration). Their remains were buried quickly. Conradin's mother, Elizabeth of Bavaria, pleaded successfully for a proper burial, and the remains were moved to the church of the monastery of Our Lady of Mt. Carmel at Naples, founded by Elizabeth.

With Conradin's death, the direct male line of the Hohenstaufens, the "People on the High Hill," came to an end. Also, since Conradin had been the heir to the title King of Jerusalem, that title was up for grabs, which has been discussed at length recently. It ultimately went to no other than Conradin's executioner, Charles of Anjou!

Leaving Charles for now...does all this mean that the Hohenstaufens were no longer associated with Sicily? Actually, believe it or not, there was Sicilian royalty not long after from the Hohenstaufen line. To understand this turn of fate, we have to take another look at the man who was named as Conradin's regent by Elizabeth of Bavaria but who usurped the title for himself, Conradin's uncle Manfred.

Tomorrow we'll examine his choices and the consequences that led to his death but led to a throne for his offspring.

Charles and Sicily, Part 3

We left off with Manfred of Sicily killed during battle (illustration) with the forces of Charles of Anjou in 1265. Charles had been named king of Sicily in Rome, but he had to conquer the Regno in southern Italy and then get to the island itself. Manfred had been regent for Conradin, the son of the last king, before deciding to declare himself king. Conradin was now only 13 years old.

Charles had conquered the part of southern Italy linked to the Kingdom of Sicily, but was not well-liked. He enforced a tax on his subjects that popes had declared illegal, and had promised his Guelph supporters that lands taken from them by Manfred's regime would be returned, which bothered those to whom Manfred had granted lands.

Pope Clement IV criticized Charles for these actions. The pope was also concerned about how much power Charles had in northern Italy, which made him a threat to the Papal States if he chose to become tyrannical. Charles resigned his senatorship in 1267, which would have made the pope happy, but then the pope needed him again.

The Guelphs were supporters of the popes. Their rivals, the Ghibellines, supported the imperial authority more than the papacy. Ghibellines had taken over Tuscany, and Clement asked Charles for military help. Charles drove the Ghibellines from Florence, whereupon Charles was named the ruler of Florence and Lucca for a period of seven years. Clement was getting very nervous about all this power in Charles' hands. He summoned Charles and asked him to promise to give up control of Tuscany in three years.

Clement also persuaded Charles to make agreements with the Latin Emperor Baldwin of Courtenay. Charles would help Baldwin re-take Constantinople from Emperor Michael VIII Paleologos, who had recently taken back the city from Venetian control. With these negotiations complete, Charles went to Tuscany, but it took several months to complete the pope's request.

Meanwhile, men loyal to Manfred had gone to Bavaria to persuade the now-15-year-old Conradin to assert his right to the kingdom of Sicily. Showing more ambition than sense, the teenager agreed. Manfred's former aide went to Sicily to stir up a revolt against Charles.

Henry of Castile had been Charles' friend, but had loaned Charles money that was not repaid. He joined Conradin's cause. Frederick of Castile, a Manfred ally, invaded Sicily from the north. Charles was busy in Tuscany while this was going on. In April 1268 he was able to march to Lucera and deal with the Muslim uprising there. News of Conradin's revolt was spreading, and many looked for a return to the old regime.

Conradin was now out of Bavaria and in Italy, invading Abruzzo. Charles hurried north to meet him. Events were leading to a final conflict.

See you tomorrow.

The Muslims of Lucera

When Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II was King of Sicily, he also ruled over a large area that included most of Italy south of Rome. This combined territory was called the Regno. Besides Italians, the population included Greeks, Jews, and Muslims. The Muslims were a diverse mix of Arabs, Berbers, Persians in Palermo, and several converted Muslims in Sicily.

Sicily had once been under Muslim rule, and pockets of resistance wanted to restore it to Muslims. Frederick, of course, wanted to change this. The ultimate solution was to get as many Muslims as possible together and put them in one out-of-the-way place. In 1220 Frederick began the process of getting all Muslims out of Sicily.

He relocated some 20,000 Muslims to Lucera in 1224. (The illustration is Fredrick's castle in Lucera.) There were also settlements in Girifalco and Acerenza all in southern Italy. These settlements also contained Jews, but had few to no Christians. They created Muslim schools, a mosque, and even had their qadi, a Shari'a court for judging disputes. Attempts to convert Lucera to Christianity by Dominicans failed.

They were treated as regular towns, and so paid their taxes and supplied men for the army when called to do so. Judging from the percentage of men they were able to supply for Frederick's military, the Muslim settlements probably numbered 60,000 all together.

By 1234, Lucera was one of the chief trade fairs authorized by Sicily. There were seven trade fairs in the Regno under Frederick, running from 24 June to 1 July each year. Muslims were skilled farmers and bee-keepers who produced honey, and they were allowed to participate in any of the trade fairs in the Regno except in Sicily.

In 1239, some Muslims from Lucera tried to return to their native home of Sicily, but every one who arrived in Sicily was re-exiled.

Manfred of Sicily used Luceran Muslim archers when he was being attacked by Charles of Anjou. When Charles conquered Sicily, Lucera resisted the change of regime, but after a siege and capitulation, Chrles confirmed Lucera in all its original privileges in exchange for a substantial levy.

And now let us return to the matter of Charles and Sicily and see how he became its king.

Charles and Sicily, Part 2

Events were in place for Charles of Anjou, Count of Provence, to take over Sicily. His brother, King Louis IX of France, was behind him, as was Pope Urban IV. Charles' promise to Urban was that he would take over Sicily, but not the rest of the Regno (the combination of Sicily and southern Italy that Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II had ruled).

An illegitimate son of Frederick, Manfred, was acting as regent for Conradin in Sicily (son of Manfred's legitimate brother Conrad IV). Manfred had designs on enlarging his rule. He planned a coup in Rome to deal with papal power, but the Guelphs made Charles a senator to gain his support. This seemed to go against Charles' promise to Urban not to accept any power in Italy itself, and Roman cardinals complained about him to Urban. Urban wouldn't go back on his support of Charles, however, because he needed to rely on Charles' military might.

Urban declared a Crusade against Manfred, and two cardinals went to France to gain support for it. One of the cardinals, Guy Foulquois, became Pope Clement IV in February 1265 after the death of Urban. He convinced Charles to hold Sicily (if he could take it) as a vassal of the pope in exchange for 8,000 ounces of gold annually. Charles agreed to the money, since he'd rule Sicily as he saw fit anyway.

They even promised him the whole of the Regno as the pope's vassal, and on 21 June 1265 Charles was installed as a senator. Clement helped him to borrow more from Italian bankers to finance the conquest of Sicily. To make everything formal, on 5 January 1266 he was crowned by five cardinals as King of Sicily (see illustration). Now all he had to do was take control of the island itself.

Several days later, many thousands of soldiers and cavalry arrived in Rome from France and Provence. By the end of January, he was marching south from Rome with the army to start the conquest of the southern Italy part of the Regno. After crossing the Apennines to get to the town of Benevento, they were attacked by Manfred's army on 26 February. Charles defeated Manfred's army, and Manfred himself was killed.

The rest of the Regno quickly capitulated, including a Muslim colony in Lucera.

Charles sent Philip of Montfort to Sicily, where Manfred's widow and family were captured. The widow, Helena of Epirus, had come with a dowry of the island of Corfu. Charles had his troops seize Corfu within the year.

Conradin was still alive, though, and with a claim to Sicily from his father. He would have to be dealt with.

Let's have a short intermission, however, and talk about the sixth paragraph above: the Muslim community of Lucera.

Charles and Sicily, Part 1

While Charles of Anjou was consolidating his rule over the counties of Provence and Forcalquier between 1250 and 1252, events elsewhere were shaping up to be advantageous for him.

Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II died in 1250. Frederick had been King of the Regno, which comprised Sicily and southern Italy almost all the way up to Rome (its coat of arms is shown here). Upon his death, Pope Innocent IV declared that the Regno reverted to control by the Vatican. The Vatican, however, would need a strong military force to keep it under Vatican control.

Innocent offered the Regno to Richard of Cornwall, uncle to King Henry III of England. Frederick's son Conrad IV of Germany also claimed the Regno, and Richard did not relish a war against Conrad, so declined. Provence was fairly close, and Innocent turned to Charles, but Charles' older brother, King Louis IX of France, told Charles to stay out of it because Louis recognized Conrad as the rightful heir.

Charles declined the offer formally in October 1253. A year earlier, Queen Blanche had died, and Louis made Charles and their brother Alphonse co-regents of France so that Louis could stay fighting in the Holy Land.

Meanwhile, in Provence, another rebellion rose, led by Boniface of Castellane and supported by Charles' mother-in-law, Beatrice of Savoy. We know some of Boniface's actions through poems written about different phases of the rebellion. Boniface raised arms against Charles in Marseille, but this time a previous rebel and friend, Barral of Baux, stayed loyal to Charles and helped suppress the revolt. Boniface was exiled and went to Spain where he tried to raise allies against Charles. Marseilles had its fortifications dismantled so that it could no longer resist the ruler.

As for Beatrice, Louis returned from the Holy Land and persuaded her to return Forcalquier to Charles and pay restitution of 160,000 marks over the next 13 years.

But what of Sicily? In 1258 the Regno got a king, Manfred, an illegitimate son of Frederick. While Innocent was looking for someone to take over the Regno, Manfred had been there, suppressing rebellions and attempting to rule, but stepping aside when legitimate son Conrad IV showed up in 1252. Conrad died in 1254, leaving his young son Conradin with Manfred as regent.

In 1263, it looked like Manfred might use the Regno as a base to make himself Holy Roman Emperor, leaving Conradin in Sicily. This concerned Pope Urban IV, who like his predecessor offered the kingdom to Charles. This time, Louis supported the idea of Charles invading Italy and Sicily. Upon this news, Manfred declared himself heir to the Holy Roman. Empire, setting up the final clash.

See you tomorrow.

Charles and Rebels and Salt

The French word gabelle derives from the Italian gabella, which means "duty." It was a tax applied to agricultural and industrial items, such as bed sheets, wheat, spices, wine...and salt.

The crusade against the Albigensians was concluded in 1229 by French King Louis IX, whereupon Louis gained control of the Rhône Estuary in Provence. Situated on the coast of the Mediterranean, it was an ideal place to set up salt-evaporation ponds. Salt was used by everyone everywhere, and producing and controlling the supply was a valuable source of income for the French crown. (The illustration is from this article about those same salt pans still being used today.)

When Charles of Anjou became Count of Provence, the salt of the Rhône Estuary came under his control. Upon his return from his brother's Seventh Crusade, he gained a monopoly over salt, and in a few years it provided over 50% of his operating revenue.

He also had to deal with some towns that had banded together to oppose his rule, bringing military might and some diplomacy to counter Arles, Avignon, and Marseilles. His threats motivated the Archbishop of Arles, Jean Baussan, to hand over his secular rights to Charles. A few other prelates did the same, avoiding trouble and allowing Charles to increase his revenues.

Charles' brother Alphonse, Count of Poitiers, helped with military assistance. Arles surrendered to Charles and Alphonse in April 1251, Avignon in May. Barral of Baux, chosen by the three towns to lead their military, surrendered in June and became a loyal supporter of Charles. Marseilles held out until July 1252 (although they would try to revolt again later under new leadership).

Barral was eventually made Grand Justiciar of Sicily by Charles. You may ask, what right did Charles have to appoint officials in Sicily? That's a story for next time.

The Start of Charles' Reign

Some months after Charles of Anjou married Beatrice of Provence in 1246, therefore becoming Count of Provence and Forcalquier, he was knighted by his brother, King Louis IX, and formally given the counties of Anjou and Maine. (He had representatives manage them for him.)

Preparations had been underway in France for a Crusade (the Seventh), and Charles joined his brother along with their other brothers, Robert and Alphonse. They did not depart until 25 August 1248.

While Charles was away, the cities of Arles, Avignon, and Marseilles joined their military forces in an alliance. They chose a leader of their own, Barral of Baux, who had helped negotiate a conflict earlier between Savoy and Provence. Barral's army helped Charles save Beatrice of Provence from the forces of James I of Aragon that had surrounded her, and Barral's army helped guard the wedding of Beatrice and Charles. Now, however, Barral became Charles' rival.

Barral saw Charles' disrespect for the local nobles and was willing to join the rebellion against him. Charles' mother-in-law, Beatrice of Savoy, supported the rebel alliance. But more on that later.

The Seventh Crusade did not go well. Louis was very keen on it, but no one else in Europe was interested or free enough of other concerns to join. The French had to go it alone. They invaded Egypt in early June 1249, capturing Damietta and intending to invade Cairo in November. Charles' older brother Robert was killed in battle in February 1250 (see illustration). While retreating from Egypt, the remaining brothers were captured. Their ransom was the return of Damietta and the payment of 800,000 bezants.

While the army sailed to Acre, Charles showed his callow nature by spending his time gambling while Louis was mourning their brother. This annoyed Louis.

Returning to Provence, Charles continued to have his people make an account of all the towns and his possessions and claims. His decisions to increase his revenue and make demands of towns came up against the rebellion. One particular decision that rankled was the salt tax. We'll learn more about that tomorrow.

Securing Beatrice

The agreement was made in 1245 between several powerful individuals that Beatrice of Provence (heir to the counties of Provence and Forcalquier, pictured here) would marry Charles of Anjou. Part of the deal was that Pope Innocent IV would endorse the marriage if Charles' brother, King Louis IX of France, would offer Innocent military support against Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II (who wanted Beatrice to marry one of his sons).

Another part of the agreement was that, if Charles and Beatrice had no heirs, her counties would go to the king of Aragon, currently James I, whose army currently surrounded Beatrice's residence at Aix-en-Provence, and who had made claims to Provence previously.

Not everyone was happy about this.

The mother of Beatrice, Beatrice of Savoy, had not long before arranged for a loan of 4000 marks from Henry III of England for her husband, Ramon Berenguer V. Some castles in Provence had been put up as collateral. Henry felt he should have been part of the negotiations, since there were castles in Provence that potentially could become his. Also, Beatrice's older sister Eleanor had married Henry 10 years earlier, and Henry had still not received all the promised dowry.

The immediate problem was Aragon, however. Charles took 500 knights and rode to Provence, encountering Raymond VII of Toulouse along the way. Raymond also wanted to marry Beatrice, but his retinue was smaller than Charles' and so was easily turned away.

Once Charles reached Aix-en-Provence, after a brief clash (supported by Barrel of Baux, of whom more tomorrow), James accepted the terms agreed upon, that Aragon might get those counties anyway, and returned home.

Beatrice and Charles were married at Aix-en-Provence on 31 January 1246, with soldiers guarding the ceremony.

Then Charles brought his own team of advisors to Provence and cut his mother-in-law off of involvement in government. He also started taking management of castles away from the local nobles. This made him unpopular. Marseilles threw Charles' officials out of their city. Charles' wife supported him, but Beatrice of Savoy "exiled herself" to Forcalquier.

Charles was only 20 years old, and not even knighted yet. This was a swift elevation from youngest son destined for the Church to Count of Provence and Forcalquier, two large territories on the continent...and this was only the beginning.

See you tomorrow.

Charles & Beatrice of Savoy

Charles of Anjou became Count of Provence and Forcalquier by his marriage in 1246 to Beatrice of Provence. His attempt to rule them was challenged by his mother-in-law, Beatrice of Savoy.

Beatrice of Savoy (1198 - 1267, whose tomb is shown here) was considered not only (according to Matthew Paris) extremely beautiful (like her daughter) but also very smart and politically shrewd. A couple years before the marriage of her daughter and Charles, for instance, she had convinced King Henry III of England to lend 4000 marks to her husband.

She was also involved in the negotiations regarding her daughter's marriage, and now may be a good time to explain what I teased in yesterday's post about that matter.

Because Ramon Berenguer V managed to get his three eldest daughters marriages that led to them being queens, he left the counties of Provence and Forcalquier to his youngest, Beatrice of Provence. When this became known, many powerful men in Europe angled for her hand in marriage.

James I of Aragon was already married to Violant of Hungary, but that was after he annulled a marriage to Eleanor of Castile after eight years (!) and having a son with her. He invaded Provence, because he had designs on Provence from long ago, and actually surrounded Beatrice's castle.

Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II sent his navy to Provence to gain leverage so that he could get Beatrice married to one of his sons. Count Raymond VII of Toulouse (divorced twice already) appealed to Blanche of Castile, mother of King Louis IX of France, for her support to marry young Beatrice. (Raymond's mother and Blanche's mother were sisters, both daughters of King Henry II.)

Blanche, however, was in favor of a different approach. Her youngest son was destined for an ecclesiastical life, but this was an opportunity to give him something more prestigious and tie Provence more closely to France. Blanche, Louis IX, Pope Innocent IV, and the young Charles of Anjou met in 1245 in Cluny. Innocent had many issues with Frederick, and did not want to see Frederick gain any more territory. Innocent was happy to endorse marriage between young Beatrice and Charles in exchange for Louis giving Innocent military support against Frederick.

Mother and daughter were satisfied with the terms, but not everyone was. King Henry III of England had an issue with them, and there was the problem of James I of Aragon, who was parked outside Beatrice's residence and would need to be dealt with. How that went will be a subject for tomorrow.

Charles of Anjou

King Louis VIII of France (1187 - 1226) and Blanch of Castile (1188 - 1252) had several children, one of whom became the next king of France, but their youngest son, Charles (1226 - 1285), had to find other venues for greatness.

Young Charles was fond of the fact that he was the first in the Capetian dynasty who was actually named after Charlemagne. He was also born to Louis after Louis became king, meaning he was the only son of Louis actually born to a king, or born "to the purple."

Youngest royal sons often had nothing to inherit—no land and no titles—and therefore were placed in powerful ecclesiastical positions (whether they were trained or interested was immaterial). His education included what a good priest would know: he would understand Catholic doctrine and be literate. He learned about medicine and law, and he enjoyed poetry (the illustration shows him depicted in a manuscript of one of his songs). Much of this took place away from his family, at the court of his brother, Count Robert I of Artois, who was about 10 years older.

Charles would have been put into a church role, but along came Beatrice of Provence, who was a few years younger.

Beatrice was the youngest daughter of the Count of Provence, and like Charles likely would have been destined for a convent. Her father had found very good marriages for his three elder daughters (they all became queens) and, since they were all provided for, he left his title to Beatrice. His death would make Beatrice the owner of the counties of Provence and Forcalquier.

Suddenly, Beatrice was a prize for any man, and several powerful men took steps to gain her hand (and tracts of land) in marriage. She was also considered a great beauty. (There is much more to this story, but we're going to focus on Charles for the moment.) Suffice it to say that the two were married in 1246, the year after her father died and she became wealthy.

Charles set out to control the two counties as the Count by right of marriage, but clashed with the nobility and Beatrice's mother, Beatrice of Savoy. This was to be his first taste of trying to rule those who did not want to be ruled, and his motivation to become ruthless in the future.

More on his problem with Provence and his mother-in-law tomorrow.

Charles' Jerusalem

After Maria of Antioch "sold" her claim to the title of Queen of Jerusalem to Charles of Anjou—however illegal it was to the High Court of Jerusalem—he intended to take it over. 

Charles might have been emboldened by a few things. It was understood that Maria had the better claim than Hugh III of Cyprus, Pope Gregory X had felt her claim strong enough to authorize an investigation into the situation, and Gregory apparently had a low opinion of Hugh. Also, Gregory wanted a new Crusade, and Charles had a strong military at his command.

Also, the Knights Templar supported Maria for whatever reason (suggestions are that they thought she would not be a strong military-oriented ruler and the Knights would be able to do as they liked, or that they knew of her interest in selling her claim to Charles and they wanted his military might to fight Muslims).

Gregory X was succeeded by Pope John XXI, who supported Charles.

Charles sent an emissary, Roger of San Severino, to Acre (the capital) to declare Charles' rule. The bailiff of Acre, Balian of Ibelin, Lord of Arsuf, refused to let him enter the citadel. Roger produced documents signed by Charles, Maria, and Pope John XXI authorizing Roger to enter Jerusalem. The Knights Templar and the Venetians also spoke on Roger's behalf. The Knights Hospitaller and the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem would not get involved.

Roger flew Charles' standard above the city and started demanding oaths of loyalty to Charles. The High Court was called upon to determine the propriety of this change. The barons wanted to be released from their oaths of loyalty to Hugh. The kingdom was thrown into chaos at the abrupt change. Roger of San Severino became bailiff of Jerusalem until 1282.

One important point to note is that the reason the position of King of Jerusalem needed to be filled in the first place was because of the death of the young previous king, Conradin, who had ben beheaded in battle a few years before (see illustration). Who beheaded him, you should ask? It was Charles of Anjou, the man who was now declaring himself King of Jerusalem!

What? How? Why was Charles like this? We owe it to ourselves to take a closer look at this man and his effect on Europe and the Holy Land. We'll start that journey next time.

Maria's Claim

Maria of Antioch had a stronger claim to the throne of Jerusalem in 1268 than the man who was crowned.

Born c.1220, she was a granddaughter of Queen Isabella I of Jerusalem. After the death of Conradin, who was young enough to need a regent and was never in Jerusalem itself, the throne went to Hugh III of Cyprus. Maria brought her claim to the High Court of Jerusalem, but their decision gave the title to Hugh.

Maria did not stop, however. At the coronation, she sent people to run into the church, make a protest, and run out. Maria herself pursued the claim elsewhere. In 1270 she was in Sicily where she made contact with Charles I of Anjou, the man (incidentally) who had killed Conradin. She gained some support from him, and historians believe she might have wanted his help to secure her title which she would then sell to him in exchange for wealth that would secure her for life (as we will see later).

She appealed to Pope Gregory X, who gave the bishops of Nazareth and Bethlehem the task of investigating her claim. She attended the Second Council of Lyons in 1272 (pictured) and presented her case there, but they were dealing with much weightier matters: Gregory was pushing the idea of a new Crusade.

Although everyone there understood that she had a better claim than Hugh, it was the cardinal St. Bonaventure who caused the papal curia to wash its hands of the matter, stating that only the High Court of Jerusalem had the authority to choose their king. Maria withdrew her case for lack of money to pursue it.

Meanwhile, Charles gave Maria a house in Naples in 1276, and a year later Maria "sold" (if that's possible) her claim to the throne to Charles in exchange for 4000 livres tournois annually and 10,000 bezants.

Although this sale meant nothing legally in Jerusalem, Charles intended to rule Jerusalem no matter the legality. I'll talk about that tomorrow.

Hugh's Rivals

When the title King of Jerusalem was up for grabs in 1268, there was more than one claimant. There had not been a king in situ for years because the title had been passed to children whose regents were involved elsewhere or to people who were kings elsewhere.

But there was a chance now to bring the king "home," as it were.

In recent years, a regency in Jerusalem was necessary because the rightful kings were either too young or too far away or both. Conrad III (called Conradin) and Hugh II of Cyprus needed regents, for instance.

Hugh of Brienne had claimed a role as regent in 1264 as the oldest relative of Alice of Jerusalem, one of the daughters of Queen Isabella I. The High Court, however, chose his cousin, Hugh of Antioch. Hugh of Brienne abandoned the Holy Land and Eastern Mediterranean and went to Europe to seek fame in Italy.

Hugh of Antioch became Hugh III of Cyprus and Hugh I of Jerusalem. (The illustration is the coat of arms quartered to show the king of the two states.) All seemed settled, but another claim arose from an unexpected area.

The mother of Hugh of Brienne and aunt of Hugh I of Jerusalem, Maria of Antioch, claimed starting in 1268 that she should be on the throne of Jerusalem. She was 48 years old at the time, a granddaughter of Isabella I of Jerusalem through Melisende of Cyprus, and was one degree closer to Conradin than Hugh of Antioch.

Considering genealogy tables, she was right. She had the support of the Knights Templar. She demanded to be crowned by the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, William of Agen.

She appeared before the High Court with her reasoning all laid out. Hugh of course brought military experience and the support of Cyprus to Jerusalem. Maria had nothing to offer except her status. (It is also believed by many that she did not want to have the title to rule so much as have it to sell to someone for money.) 

A remark from Hugh offended her so much that she left the Court. The Court used her absence to reason that she was abandoning her claim and Hugh should be crowned. During the coronation of Hugh at Tyre, however, Maria employed two people to run into the church, make a protest, and run out again.

She complained to Rome for years about the injustice, and was taken seriously. Pope Gregory X even started an investigation that found her claim to be true. Could they obtain justice for Maria? We'll find out tomorrow.

Conrad, King of Jerusalem?

Frederick II (1194 - 1250) was King of Germany, King of Italy, King of Sicily, and Holy Roman Emperor. He agreed to go on Crusade, but wanted to be King Jerusalem when he got to the Holy Land. It was arranged for him to marry Queen Isabella II, the most recent in line of succession. Isabella died after giving birth to a son, Conrad (1228 - 1254).

Upon his mother's death, Conrad became Conrad II, King of Jerusalem, and Frederick took on the regency for his son. Frederick made him Duke of Swabia when Conrad was seven years old (because Frederick's eldest son from a previous marriage, Henry VII, had rebelled against Frederick). At nine years old Conrad was made King of Germany, and at 11 he was King Conrad IV of Italy. In 1250 on Frederick's death the young man also became King Conrad I of Sicily.

With so many other lands to rule, Conrad neglected Jerusalem. He grew up in Southern Italy until he became Duke of Swabia, when he traveled to Germany. In the year he was also betrothed to a daughter of the Duke of Bavaria who died young, but a second betrothal to another daughter, Elizabeth of Bavaria, would lead to marriage.

He became involved in German politics, and was part of the attempt to repel the Mongol invasions of 1241.

Problems with Frederick led to Pope Innocent IV excommunicating Frederick and declaring Conrad deposed. Conrad fought against the newly elected king of Germany, Henry Raspe (whom Frederick had once selected as regent for Conrad in Germany), and lost in 1246. When Raspe died months later he was succeeded by William of Holland.

Conrad married Elizabeth in 1246. They had a son, called Conradin, who would succeed to several of his father's titles.

Not only did the neglect of Jerusalem lead to civil unrest there, rebellions in Germany and Sicily continued throughout Conrad's life. When Conrad died in 1254 an Interregnum took place in Germany when no one managed to take complete control of the country of several years.

Jerusalem passed to Conradin, who died at 16, never having visited the Holy Land. The succession passed back into the Lusignan dynasty through a cousin named Hugh. There were challenges, however, from other family members, including some with whom he was close. Even once he was established, however, there were issues caused by the years that no king was present, when barons managed things on their own. No one really wanted a king to come back and expect to be obeyed or even consulted. We'll see what Hugh was dealing with tomorrow.

The Assize on Liege-homage

We think of the Magna Carta as an important moment in legislative history, when laws forced a king to relinquish some power to others of lesser rank. Something similar took place several years before, in the Latin East of the Holy Land.

The Assise sur la ligece ("Assize on liege-homage") was established by the High Court of Jerusalem under King Amalric I. His initial purpose was to gain control of the vassals of his vassals, so that they could appeal directly to the king.

It also claimed that a lord could not legally seize a vassal's fief, and if any lord did so then all the king's vassals should turn against him. Vassals could also withdraw their support from any liege lord who acted illegally.

In 1198, Ralph of Saint-Omer, seneschal to the King of Jerusalem Aimery of Lusignan, defended himself against Aimery when Aimery accused him of orchestrating the king's assassination attempt. He used the Assize. The High Court considered that Aimery had acted against Ralph improperly, and they as Aimery's vassals withdrew their support of the king in accordance with the Assize. It set a daring precedent, that a king could be affected by the law.

Thirty years later, this precedent was applied again against a king and emperor.

Frederick II (1194 - 1250) was Holy Roman Emperor in 1220. He agreed to the Sixth Crusade, but he wanted to become King of Jerusalem if he did so. To become king, he would have to marry the current successor to the throne, Isabella II (1212 - 1228). She was a child at the time, but the betrothal was made and the marriage took place by proxy in 1225. Frederick sent a flotilla to bring her to Italy, where they were wed in person.

Frederick arrived in Jerusalem in 1228. Isabella died that year giving birth to a son, Conrad, for which Frederick held the regency. (At this point, Conrad was king, not Frederick.)

One year later, Frederick and his forces successfully regained control of the city of Jerusalem, that had been lost in 1187 to Saladin's forces. (The illustration shows Frederick meeting with the sultan who controlled Jerusalem, al-Kamil.) Feeling full of himself, he claimed the lands held by several nobles, including Jaffa, Haifa, and Beirut.

Those nobles knew the law of the land, and they challenged his land grab. They were successful, and Frederick, Holy Roman Emperor and acting as King of Jerusalem, had to relinquish those lands.

Did young Conrad ever get to be king in his own right? Let's find out next.

Aimery versus Ralph

The King of Jerusalem, Aimery of Lusignan, had a problem with his seneschal, Ralph of Saint-Omer: he accused the seneschal (who had hopes of becoming King of Jerusalem before the election went to Aimery) of being behind a foiled assassination attempt in 1198.

Aimery declared Ralph should be exiled, and gave him eight days to depart the kingdom. Aimery's plan ran into a snag.

You see, Ralph knew the laws of the land better than anybody, and he brought up a rule laid down a couple decades earlier.

In the 1170s, King Amalric of Jerusalem proposed a new law, which was heartily approved by the High Court. The law stated that 1) all lords were vassals of the king, even if they were vassals of someone who was himself a vassal of the king; and 2) therefore anyone could take their case before the king if they felt their immediate lord were unfair to them. Amalric wanted to be able to control any disputes in his vassals and their vassals. It also claimed that vassals were right to withdraw their support from their liege if the liege did not abide by the ruling of the High Court, the collection of barons and prelates and other nobles brought together when important matters needed to be discussed or adjudicated.

This was called the Assise sur la ligece (basically, an "Assize on liege-homage"). 

Ralph appealed to the High Court that he needed to be judged by his peers at the Court, not by the king. Aimery might have thought that, since he was king and the nobles had already decided that Aimery was preferable to Ralph as king, this would be smooth sailing. But Aimery wanted Ralph exiled, the High Court didn't, Aimery refused to accept the High Court's verdict, whereupon the barons declared that they were withdrawing their support from the king.

Aimery's vassals withdrew their service from Aimery, but Ralph took himself away to Tripoli anyway  (since clearly he could not work under this king) and then to Constantinople in 1204. He returned after Aimery's death in 1207.

The barons returned their support to Aimery in 1200.

This was an important legal precedent, applying the force of law to the king himself. It was used a couple more times, which I'll share tomorrow.

The Next King of Jerusalem

With the unexpected death of Henry II of Champagne by falling out a window, Jerusalem's Queen Isabella (the real ruler) needed a new husband to help lead the kingdom. The Prince of Galilee and Tiberias, Hugh II of Saint-Omer, suggested his brother Ralph. Ralph was the seneschal of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. The nobles rejected him due to his lack of wealth (Henry had brought revenues from Champagne which helped the kingdom's finances), and his lack of stature.

Instead they chose none other than Aimery of Lusignan, who had just recently been reconciled to Henry. Aimery had once been opposed to Henry because Aimery's brother Guy had been King of Jerusalem by marriage to Isabella's older sister, Sibylla. When Sibylla died and Guy's status as king through marriage ended, he refused to give up the title. Even after Isabella was married to Henry, Aimery was part of a plot to take Acre away from Henry and grant it to Guy.

Now, however, Aimery was the most prominent "free agent," his wife Eschiva (of the prominent Jerusalem Ibelin clan) having died not long before. Aimery would bring the resources of Cyprus to Jerusalem, and in October of 1197 Henry and Isabella were betrothed. (The illustration is Aimery's seal as King of Cyprus.)

Although Aimery did use Cypriot troops on the mainland, he was very careful to keep the two kingdoms separate. After all, he had no real claim to Jerusalem as a dynasty, and Isabella's children were the proper line of succession. Cyprus, on the other hand, would be passed on to his own children. The fact that he and Henry had promised to marry Isabella's three daughters to Aimery's three sons would mean that no one could see how the two kingdoms would relate to each other in the future, but for now they had only Aimery in common.

Aimery did not make any radical changes to Jerusalem or its royal advisors or offices. He did not like Ralph of Saint-Omer, but he approved of Ralph's competence as seneschal. When he asked Ralph to be part of a commission to codify all the laws of the kingdom because Ralph knew and understood them so well, however, Ralph would not participate.

In March of 1198, while riding from Acre to Tyre, Aimery and his small escort were attacked by four Germans. Aimery was saved by his escort. The four would not admit who hired them to attack, but Aimery came to believe that Ralph was behind it.

Aimery called the High Court of barons and nobles together to accuse and punish Ralph, but Ralph had a defense based on a law from a generation earlier that actually turned the High Court against Aimery.

I'll explain how quickly things turned against Aimery next time.

Aimery and Henry

So we have Henry II of Champagne, elevated to the position of King of Jerusalem even if he doesn't use the title, and Aimery of Lusignan, who became King of Cyprus after he needed to flee the mainland when he was discovered by Henry to be part of a plot to turn one of Henry's cities over to Guy of Lusignan, Aimery's brother who had been effectively exiled to Cyprus because he wanted to (illegally) retain the title of King of Jerusalem himself.

The Kingdom of Jerusalem had made a peace treaty with the Ayubbid Dynasty of Saladin, but that expired in 1196, and the danger of renewed Muslim attacks was a grave concern for Henry. Cyprus, that had been captured by Richard I of England on his way to the Third Crusade and the Siege of Acre, was becoming formally a Christian kingdom under changes made by Aimery.

The nobles of the mainland understood that an alliance between the former rivals Henry and Aimery was necessary for aid in the potential conflicts to come. Aimery's wife Eschiva was from the Ibelin clan, a prominent family in Jerusalem, and many of the nobles in Jerusalem held land on Cyprus. No one wanted hostility between Henry and Aimery.

Henry sailed to Cyprus in 1197 and the two kings made a promise of mutual aid against enemies. Even more profound for the future, the three daughters of Henry were promised to the three sons of Aimery. The town of Jaffa had been taken from Aimery when he was forced to leave Jerusalem, and now it was restored as dowry for the future marriages. In November of that year, Aimery was using his former Jerusalem title of constable (even though by that time he had been crowned as King of Cyprus).

While negotiating, the Ayubbids did attack. Aimery sent his representative to Jaffa to organize defense. Henry returned to the mainland to organize his men at Acre. Somehow, some way, on 10 September Henry fell out of a window from his royal palace at Acre (illustration). He died. No details survive as to how this happened.

His death was a blow to the kingdom; he had been a capable and tolerant ruler, and had brought revenue from Champagne to the defense of the kingdom. He was mourned, but the immediate question was raised:

Who should become King of Jerusalem by marriage to Queen Isabella, so that a man would be in charge? Isabella had already had three husbands—not always by her choice. Should she accept another? The immediate suggestion was the palace seneschal, Ralph of Saint-Omer.

Ralph, however, was not wealthy or prestigious enough to satisfy the nobles. Who, then? I'll tell you tomorrow, of course.

Aimery of Lusignan

Aimery (born c.1153) was one of the sons of the Lord of Poitou, Hugh VIII of Lusignan, and Burgundia of Rancon. His brother Guy has figured largely in the past couple weeks for his time as King of Jerusalem.

After rebelling unsuccessfully against Henry II of England by kidnapping Eleanor of Aquitaine, Aimery fled to the Latin East —not that unusual a move since the Lusignan family had been involved in the Crusades for generations. He married into the influential Ibelin family with the support of King Baldwin IV of Jerusalem and became constable of Jerusalem c.1180. He and Eschiva of Ibelin had six children.

He was a commander at the disastrous Battle of Hattin, and was part of the Siege of Acre. He supported his brother Guy when the barons wanted to remove Guy as king.

After Guy was sent to govern Cyprus and Conrad of Montferrat was chosen to be King of Jerusalem by marrying Queen Isabella, Aimery remained in the office of constable. After Conrad's death and Henry II of Champagne's marriage to Isabella, however, Aimery was involved in a plot to hand the city of Tyre over to Guy. Henry arrested Aimery, but the barons persuaded Henry to release him.

Once freed from prison, Aimery went to Cyprus in 1193 to join Guy. Guy died in 1194, and the nobles of Cyprus chose Aimery as their lord. Aimery started a process of organizing laws and policies in Cyprus to try to raise its status to a kingdom. To do this required him to be acknowledged as king, and only an emperor or a pope could authorize this. He appealed to Pope Celestine III to establish a Latin Church hierarchy (an archbishopric and bishops and dioceses, etc.) on Cyprus.

He also reached out to Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI, promising he would be a vassal to the Emperor if he were granted the right to be crowned King of Cyprus. Henry sent Aimery a golden scepter. A letter from Celestine in December 1196 refers to Aimery as king, so he may have been using the title already, although his coronation was delayed until 1197 to allow Henry time to arrive; Henry was too ill to travel, however. (The illustration shows Aimery's coronation, attended by Henry's chancellor, Conrad.)

Henry's death shortly after Aimery's coronation led to a war of succession in the Empire and denied Aimery the attention and support of a powerful ally.

But now Aimery was a king in his own right, having fled from a king on the mainland. Both were Christian rulers in the Eastern Mediterranean and had similar concerns about maintaining Christian power while surrounded by Muslims. It would be in their best interests to get along, despite hostility in the past. Were they able to put aside their former conflicts for the sake of achieving mutual goals? We'll take a look at that tomorrow.

Henry's Problems

While Henry II of Champagne was functioning as King of Jerusalem (even if he did not use the title itself, preferring to manage things clearly on behalf of his wife, Queen Isabella), he had a lot of support from the barons and military orders like the Templars and Hospitallers. He was also good to supporters outside of those who followed him from the Champagne region.

Some problems cropped up, however. We've talked before about rivalry between the Maritime Republics, and the merchants of Pisa were not happy with the favor Henry showed to merchants from Genoa. The Pisans conspired to help Guy of Lusignan (who had been "exiled" to Cyprus) to become ruler of the city of Tyre (Henry was living in Acre).

The conspiracy was discovered in May 1193 and the conspirators arrested. Henry decreed that the Pisans in Tyre could number no more than 30 and the rest had to leave. Those who left began raiding villages in the area, so Henry expelled all Pisans from Acre.

Guy was in Cyprus, but his brothers were close by. Aimery of Lusignan held Jaffa and had been granted the office of constable, and he spoke up for the Pisans. Angered, and doubting Aimery's loyalty, he arrested the constable. Aimery argued that Henry had no right to arrest a constable, but Henry replied that Aimery was no longer constable.

Henry demanded that Guy turn over Cyprus as ransom for Aimery's release. The barons persuaded Henry to free Aimery without gaining Cyprus. Aimery gave up Jaffa and the position of constable and left to join his brother Guy at Cyprus.

Cyprus was a lot of territory, and ruling it would have been a boon for the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Guy's governorship ended in 1194 with his death, and Aimery became governor. Henry and Aimery were going to have to deal with this situation.

Tomorrow we'll learn more about Aimery and his history.

Henry, Ruler of Jerusalem

After the brutal murder of Conrad of Montferrat right after he was informed that he had been chosen to replace Guy of Lusignan as King of Jerusalem, Henry II of Champagne went back to Tyre to mourn. He was greeted warmly by the people of Tyre, who proposed to make him their new lord. Henry had a certain amount of standing, since he was a nephew to the current kings of both England and France. Then something happened which he likely did not expect.

The Queen of Jerusalem, Isabella, now a widow after Conrad's death, offered to marry Henry, which would make him King of Jerusalem suo jure ("by right of marriage"). Henry was 20 years younger than Conrad (a husband who was imposed upon her; the illustration shows her having her first husband annulled and marrying Conrad), and probably more to the liking of the 20-year-old Isabella.

Henry had doubts. Isabella was pregnant by Conrad, and if the child were a boy, he would be the next heir rather than an heir of Henry's. The barons and Richard I of England agreed that the succession would pass to children of Henry and Isabella. Henry and Isabella married within a week of Conrad's death, Henry was granted all the cities held by Crusaders (but Jerusalem itself was still in the hands of Saladin), and the couple went to live in Acre, recently freed from Muslims.

As for the most recent king, Guy, Richard had Guy pay Henry 40,000 bezants.

There was still more fighting to be done in the Holy Land, and Henry joined Richard to capture or recapture cities from the Muslims. The Third Crusade officially ended on 2 September 1192 with a peace treaty that allowed the existence of the Kingdom of Jerusalem as a narrow strip of land extending south to Jaffa. It was signed by Henry (speaking for Richard), and the heads of the Templars and Hospitallers. Richard declared Henry the leader of all Christian forces in Palestine.

Henry's standing did not go to his head. He never called himself "king," but used his European title of "count of Troyes." His rulings were done in the name of Isabella, and he constantly claimed he did things with her "wish and consent." When Aymar the Monk was elected Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem (a seat vacant for a couple years since the death of Heraclius) by the priests who manage the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Henry was angered at not having been consulted and arrested them. Their argument was that he did not need to be consulted because he was not king. Pope Celestine III agreed with the priests. Archbishop Josias of Tyre convinced Henry to let the priests go and appease the insult to Aymar by giving a rich fief to Aymar's nephew.

The child of Isabella and Conrad turned out to be a daughter, Maria of Montferrat. This new marriage produced three daughters, of which two survived past childhood, Alice and Philippa.

Henry had an interesting approach to his Muslim neighbors, now that a peace treaty was in place. He requested of Saladin a turban and tunic, wearing these around Acre to show respect for the Muslim residents and neighbors. He gained a reputation for being tolerant to others, and was even hosted by the Assassins (perhaps we'll get to that some day).

Not everything was pleasant, however, and some of the danger came not from Muslims but from other Europeans. I'll tell you about that tomorrow as well.