Joan of Arc Captured

Jeanne d'Arc had accomplished the chief mission of her visions, putting Charles VII on the Throne of France through her military support and inspiration of the troops. In exchange, Charles had raised her family to noble status. At that point, with Charles in charge, peaceful negotiations were the way forward for France, but she wanted to do more to drive the English out of the continent.

In April of 1430, she was on the march (without royal approval), driving out English and Burgundians (Charles' political party was the Armagnacs) from towns and garrisons they encountered. More local people and soldiers joined her along the way. At the town of Lagny-sur-Marne, the group defeated an Anglo-Burgundian force and captured their leader, a mercenary named Franquet d'Arras. Usually, someone of his status would be used for ransom, but Joan allowed a trial that led to his execution.

They continued to Compiègne, reaching it on 14 May. At that time, the number of followers had grown so large that it could not find sufficient food locally to support itself, so Joan disbanded them, retaining only 400 soldiers to enter Compiègne. Ten days later, they left Compiègne to attack a Burgundian camp northeast of the town. The attack failed and Jeanne was captured (shown above in a 19th century painting). A Burgundian nobleman, Lyonnel de Wandomme, took her to his castle at Beaulieu-les-Fontaines.

She tried to escape and was moved to the more secure Beaurevoir Castle. She attempted another escape, jumping from a high window to a dry moat, but was too injured from the fall to go any further. She was then moved to the town of Arras, deep in Burgundian-held territory.

The English were happy to offer a ransom to get this devil-maid into their hands. Philip the Good, son of the Duke of Burgundy, was all too happy to hand her off to the English and shed responsibility for her fate since she was so beloved by many of her countrymen. After a payment of 10,000 livres tournois, Jeanne was moved to the main stronghold of the English in France, Rouen. We have no evidence that Charles VII took any steps to save the person who was instrumental in putting him on the throne.

Although there was no doubt as to the outcome of handing her to the English, formalities had to be observed. I'll go through her trial for heresy tomorrow.

The Siege of Paris

The goal and prediction of Jeanne d'Arc was that she would lift the Siege of Orléans and get the Dauphin crowned as King Charles VII of France. After the coronation at Reims Cathedral, a fifteen-day truce between Charles' Armagnac forces and the Duke of Burgundy who held Paris discussed a peaceful transfer of Paris to the new king. The Duke of Burgundy reneged once the fifteen-day period was over.

On the way to Paris, many towns easily switched their allegiance to the new king. On 15 August, however, the Armagnacs came up against English forces in a fortified position led by the Duke of Bedford. Joan rode alone against the English, hoping they could be goaded to leave their fortifications and attack, but they stayed put.  For whatever reason, however, the English retreated the next day, and the Armagnacs were able to continue their march to Paris, which they reached on 8 September.

The Siege of Paris turned out to be a turning point for Jeanne. She was wounded in the leg by a crossbow bolt and hid in a trench until nightfall, when she could be rescued. Fifteen hundred Armagnac casualties led Charles to call off the assault. Jeanne argued against this course of action, but the Armagnacs retreated.

Jeanne insisted on fighting, but the court wanted a diplomatic solution. The failure of the Siege of Paris reduced the army's faith in her. Scholars at the University of Paris concluded that her involvement in the army was not, in fact, divine as they had thought.

She was allowed, in October, to be part of a force sent to deal with a mercenary. A siege and attack urged by Jeanne succeeded, but attempts to retake another town failed, further diminishing faith in Jeanne.

Nevertheless, in December, upon her return to court, she found that Charles had ennobled her family as a reward for services. She also discovered that a truce had been made with the Burgundians which would last until Easter 1430, so her services as a soldier were not needed.

She took matters into her own hands, however, and still had influence over many who believed in her mission. Her independent attempts to drive out the Burgundians and English led to her downfall, however, which I will go into tomorrow.

On to Reims!

After the siege of Orléans was lifted thanks to Jeanne d'Arc's motivation and inspiration, she insisted there push on to Reims, the traditional site of coronation for the kings of France. The Dauphin, Charles, let her go ahead with the army to clear a path. Doing so meant gaining control of all the bridges over the Loire River.

The army set out on this task on 11 June 1429. Jeanne, as before, was not shy about battle. While besieging the town of Jargeau, she scaled a ladder against the wall, only to be struck in the head by a stone that cracked her helmet. Jargeau was taken and many English were executed.

Beaugency, a castle along the south bank of the Loire, was the next target. Those holding Beaugency, unaware that help was on its way under the command of Sir John Fastolf, surrendered on the 18th. The main English army in the region was on the north bank, and they retreated toward Paris. On Jeanne's advice, the French pursued, caught up, and the Battle of Patay took place on the same day.

The English tried to repeat the tactic that worked at Agincourt: a barrier of stakes to stop any cavalry, and long bowmen to rain arrows on the enemy. They did not know how close behind the French were, however, and so while finding a place to make their stand, the French sent archers to the sides of the road to ambush the English. The following battle is estimated to have cost the English over 2000 deaths out of 5000. Most of the rest were captured. The French declared only 100 dead or wounded.

The wild success of Patay encouraged the French leaders to want to push on to Normandy and continue taking land back and driving English out, but Jeanne insisted that Reims and a coronation of Charles was of primary importance. Charles agreed, and on 29 June the march to Reims began. Towns along the way offered no resistance, except for Troyes with a garrison of English and Burgundians (rivals of the Dauphin's Armagnac party). They held out for four days, until Jeanne ordered the moat to be filled with wood. Fearing that the city would be destroyed by fire, Troyes surrendered.

The Dauphin, Jeanne, and the Armagnacs marched in to Reims unopposed on the evening of 16 July. The Dauphin was crowned Charles VII the next morning at Reims Cathedral, with Jeanne prominent in the ceremony. (The statue of her above is outside Reims Cathedral.)

Charles was now king, and proceeded to negotiate a fifteen-day truce with the Duke of Burgundy, his cousin who had driven him from Paris years earlier. They would agree to a peaceful transfer of Paris from the Duke and Burgundians to Charles and the Armagnacs, but at the end of the fifteen days the Duke reneged.

If Charles wanted Paris, he would have to fight for it. Let's talk about that next time.

Joan of Arc

The historical figure we call Joan of Arc was born Jeanne d'Arc c.1412 in northeast France. During a crucial time in the Hundred Years War, she managed to gain an audience with the Dauphin, the rightful heir to the French throne, who was having trouble not only with the English but also with his own countrymen.

They met in late February or early March at the Dauphin's court in Chinon, where he had retired since being driven from the capital, Paris, years earlier. Orléans was under siege at the time, and she told the Dauphin that she had come to raise the siege and ensure his coronation. This was based on a series of visions she had.

Not willing to accept the seventeen-year-old illiterate peasant girl at her word, she was sent to theologians at Poitiers to be examined. Her strong Catholic upbringing was in her favor, but they could not agree that she was in fact seeing visions of St. Michael and others. Still, if she went to Orléans and was successful, that would be the best test of her claims. First she was sent to Tours where the Dauphin's mother, Yolande of Aragon, led a team of women who examined her physically and determined that she was, indeed, a virgin as she claimed. The prophecy that a virgin would be France's savior might have been satisfied by this girl, after all.

The Dauphin was sufficiently convinced that he commissioned plate armor for his maiden warrior. She gained a sword, brought from under the altar in the church at Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois. The Armagnac faction was severely demoralized at this point in the face of the Burgundian and English occupation, but Jeanne's arrival, her constant optimism, and her profound and public assurances of the divine support of their cause inspired the troops. Before going to raise the siege of Orléans in April of 1429, she dictated a letter to be delivered to the Duke of Bedford, warning him that she would drive him out of France.

She and the troops arrived at Orléans on 29 April. They managed to get her into the city where she was initially treated as a symbol, with no part in the military attempt to fight back. On 4 May, the Armagnac troops in Orléans took the offensive. Jeanne always seemed to be in the thick of the fighting, and gained the respect of the troops and their commanders, who sometimes even accepted her suggestions on where to focus their forces.

The next day was Ascension Thursday, commemorating the bodily ascension of Jesus to Heaven after the Resurrection, and therefore a day when no fighting was allowed by the Church. Jeanne dictated another letter to the English to leave France; it was tied to a crossbow bolt and fired at the enemy. On the next two days, the Armagnacs made progress, but each time they wanted to stop and consolidate their gains, Jeanne urged them to continue the forward offensive. Their progress continued from 5 - 7 May, when they attacked the main English stronghold. Jeanne, holding her banner, got an arrow in her shoulder but was part of the successful assault. On 8 May it was clear that Orléans was free of danger from the English.

For the French, like theologian Jean Gerson, the liberation of Orléans satisfied Jeanne's claim that she was sent by God. To the English, it clearly affirmed that the power behind her came from the devil.

She was famous, and there was more to come. See you next time.

A Maid Appears

About the year 1412, on (tradition claims) the Feast of the Epiphany, 6 January, a girl was born to a peasant family in northeast France, in the town of Domrémy. Her parents were Jacques d'Arc, a farmer who owned 50 acres of land, and Isabelle Romée. Jacques and Isabelle had five children: Jacquemin, Jean, Catherine, Jeanne, and Pierre. 

The d'Arcs were relatively wealthy, with a house—modest by modern standards, but the only stone house in the town at the time—that is now a museum (shown here). Their children did not have opportunities to learn to read and write, but the family had strong Catholic values that would form their children's upbringing. It is their second daughter that we want to focus on.

Her name was Jeanne, and she would refer to herself later as Jeanne la Pucelle ("Jean/Joan the Maiden"). As a child she performed the usual household chores: spinning, looking after livestock. Her father claimed to have dreams that his younger daughter was going to go to war. This disturbed him so much that he told his sons to guard against this by drowning her if it looked like his dreams proved prophetic. Attempts to marry Joan off failed due to her obstinacy.

In 1425, Jeanne says, a figure she identified as St. Michael appeared to her in the garden. She started having visions regularly, especially when she heard the church bells rung (in the illustration above, the church is the building in the distance to the right). Its. Margaret and Catherine also appeared (although which Margaret and which Catherine were never made clear). Saints Margaret of Antioch and Catherine of Alexandria were known as virgins who had powerful enemies and were martyred for their beliefs.

In the French countryside at the time, a prophecy circulated based on the statements of Marie Robine of Avignon (died 1399), a French mystic who said an "armed virgin" would save France. In 1428, she went to the nearby town of Vaucouleurs where soldiers were garrisoned and asked the commander to escort her to the Dauphin, Charles. The commander, Robert de Baudricourt, sent her back home. The following year, Burgundian forces hostile to the Dauphin raided Domrémy, burned the crops, stole the cattle, and destroyed houses (the d'arc's stone house survived). Jeanne went back to Vaucoleurs and was again rebuffed by the commander, but two of the garrison's soldiers were intrigued by her claims and offered their support.

News of her claims of visions and desire to help the Dauphin had spread, and the Duke of Lorraine, Charles II, summoned her. He was ill, and wondered if she had some supernatural ability that could help cure him. Her only comment to him as that he had sinned by living with a mistress.

Meanwhile, English forces were encroaching more and more. Baudricourt agreed to meet with Jeanne for a third time, urged by the two soldiers, Jean de Metz and Bertrand de Poulengy. She was given an escort of six soldiers to see the Dauphin. For the journey, she borrowed men's clothing to wear. For the rest of her life she dressed as a man. 

She reached the Dauphin in late February or early March 1429, and the story will continue tomorrow.

Question of Succession

When Charles VI died in October 1422, the Treaty of Troyes determined that the Crown would pass to Henry V of England or his successor. Henry had died a couple months before, on 31 August, and his successor was his son, Henry VI, who was only 10 months old.

Of course there were people in France who did not ant to abide by the Treaty of Troyes, giving Charles VI's mental instability at the signing. They considered the Dauphin—Charles VI's eldest surviving son Charles—the rightful heir.

Even so, there were some who questioned the legitimacy of the Dauphin's birth, and supported the claim of his cousin Charles, the Duke of Orléans. One problem with that choice: the Duke of Orléans had been a captive of the English since the Battle of Agincourt. Henry had disallowed a ransom for Orléans' release, considering him too close to the line of succession to the French throne and (rightly) assuming he would be a threat to the terms of Troyes. (Spoiler: he would not be released until 1440!) The illustration represents him in the Tower of London.

Because of Agincourt, England already occupied northern France, including Paris. Henry V's brother, John Duke of Bedford, was regent for the child Henry and was put in control of France.

Charles and his people decided to ignore Troyes and continue the Hundred Years War. He gained some land back, executing any Frenchman who sided with the English. In December 1422 he married Marie of Anjou, the daughter of Yolande of Aragon, Duchess of Anjou and Countess of Provence, giving him an alliance that might prove useful.

Although he claimed the title King of France, he did not achieve any significant progress driving the English out of France. He operated out of Chinon. By 1429, Charles' future was looking particularly bleak because of advances by the Duke of Bedford.

Then, on 23 February 1429, a young girl arrived in Chinon to meet with the Dauphin. She was about 16 years old, from the village of Domrémy, and she had demanded of a garrison commander that he assemble an escort to take her to the Dauphin, because she had been given a mission in a vision.

Her name was Jeanne, and we will begin her part of the story next time.

Charles VII of France

Charles was born on 22 February 1403, the third "Charles" of his father's sons. His father was King Charles VI, and had a son Charles who was born and died in 1386, then a son named Charles who lived from 1392 to 1401. (He had two additional older brothers, but they died in 1415 and 1417, respectively.) You might say that the third Charles was lucky, but only if you did not know what the rest of his life was like.

His (surviving) older brothers had each held the title Dauphin of France, declaring them heirs apparent to the French throne; their deaths without children (although each had been married young) left the title Dauphin to Charles in 1417. This was no guarantee of succession, however.

In May 1418 the Duke of Burgundy, John the Fearless, invaded Paris. He was a cousin of the current king, Charles VI, whom everyone realized was mentally unwell. Reducing a lot of rivalries to simple terms: the defeat at the Battle of Agincourt angered the Burgundians, who blamed the king and his Armagnac supporters for mismanagement. John felt he should take over, so he established himself in the capital, Paris, but the Dauphin escaped the night before, going to Bourges where he would be safe.

Charles actually set up a court and a parliament in Bourges, and he was referred to sarcastically in Paris as "King of Bourges." Charles did not have the support to challenge John directly, so he agreed to meet and discuss a treaty. The two met on 11 July 1419 at a bridge where they signed the Treaty of Pouilly-le-Fort, in which they agreed to share government and not sign any treaties with other parties without discussing it first with each other. They also agreed to a second meeting on 10 September.

With peace established between them, the second meeting took place as planned. John figured he had nothing to fear, so he arrived with a small contingent of men. The Dauphin's men assassinated Duke John.

I'll pause to point out that this was during the period known as the Hundred Years War. The Battle of Agincourt had been so devastating to the French that the English were in a position to make the terms. Henry V of England had taken Charles VI's daughter Catherine of Valois (Charles VII's sister) as his wife, and their son would rule both England and France. This arrangement was supposed to be the end of hostilities forever.

The result of the assassination of the Duke of Burgundy was that his son and heir, Philip the Good, aged 24, continued the hostilities between the Burgundians and the Armagnacs. He also made an alliance with Henry V. A few years later, he married his sister to the English Duke of Bedford, who was regent for Henry's son Henry VI, who was intended to be the king of both countries. Although he did not involve himself directly in major conflicts of the Hundred Years War, Philip was constantly involved in more local conflicts. It was Philip, however, who in 1430 would capture Joan of Arc and turn her over to the English.

But there's a lot that happened in France between now and then, and we'll go into more detail tomorrow.

Christine and Joan

One of the last written works by Christine de Pizan was the poem Ditié de Jehanne d'Arc ("The Tale of Joan of Arc"), published mere weeks after the coronation of Charles VII (17 July 1429). Two complete manuscripts of the poem have survived. This is the only work about Joan of Arc that was written in her lifetime. Christine never mentions here or anywhere the capture of Joan by the English, and it is assumed that Christine's death took place in 1430, preceding Joan's capture in May of that year.

Her opening prologue of a dozen stanzas offer us a bit of autobiography as well as her emotions about the end of the war, showing us a tremendous surge in national pride and optimism over the end of the war and the restoration of the original monarchy:

I.
I, Christine, who have wept for eleven years in a walled
abbey where I have lived ever since Charles (how strange
this is!) the King’s son–dare I say it?–fled in haste
from Paris, I who have lived enclosed there on account of
the treachery, now, for the first time, begin to laugh;

III.
In 1429 the sun began to shine again. It brings back the
good, new season which had not really been seen for a
long time–and because of that many people had lived
out their lives in sorrow; I myself am one of them. But I
no longer grieve over anything, now that I can see what I desire.

The following 49 stanzas tell us the story of the civil war, the first of which immediately credits the efforts of Joan of Arc:

XIII.
And you Charles, King of France, seventh of that noble
name, Who have been involved in such a great war before
things turned out at all well for you, now, thanks be to
God, see your honour exalted by the Maid Who has laid
low your enemies beneath your standard (and this is new!)

Joan's contribution to the war is considered a sign of divine intervention, as the young Maid of Orleans single-handedly renewed the fighting spirit of the French.

Christine concludes the poem with the understanding that not everyone sees the end of the war the same way as she:

LXI.
This poem was completed by Christine in the above
mentioned year, 1429, on the last day of July. But I
believe that some people will bc displeased by its
contents, for a person whose head is bowed and whose
eyes are heavy [can not] look at the light.

Christine's works were kept alive in small pockets of literary interest since her death. In 1949, French philosopher Simone de Beauvoir wrote that Christine's 1399 L'Épistre au Dieu d'amours ("Epistle to the God of Love") was "the first time we see a woman take up her pen in defence of her sex." The later 20th century saw increased interest in her as the first feminist writer.

We, however, will use her last work to veer off into politics of the French civil war and the appearance of Joan of Arc. See you tomorrow.

Poets and Politics

Christine de Pizan (1364 - c.1430) was considered the first professional woman of letters in Europe, first writing after the death of her husband to support her family, and then becoming so well-known for her poems and ballads that she got commissions from nobility. Her works for others were often more scholarly, such as Le Livre des trois vertus ("The Book of Three Virtues") instructing the wife of Dauphin Louis of France, Margaret of Nevers.

As the Dauphin himself was growing up, Christine dedicated three works to him, advising him on wise and effective government. One of these works, Livre du Corps de policie ("The Book of the Body Politic") described the governments of medieval Europe. In it, she criticized the Italian city-states of her birth that were run by corporations, favoring hereditary monarchies that she felt were better for the common good. Much of this book covered the king's duties as a military leader.

Perhaps it was those chapters that inspired a gift of 200 livres* to her for writing Livre des fais d'armes et de chevalerie ("The Book of Feats of Arms and of Chivalry"). In it, she explains the rationale for a "just war" and quotes classical writers on warfare. She rejected Trial by Combat, discussed proper treatment of noncombatants and prisoners of war, and claimed that only a king can start a war because the king is responsible for the welfare of his people and country. One year after producing this book, nobles were prohibited from raising armies by royal edict.

In 1413, Christine followed this work with Livre de la paix ("The Book of Peace"), her thoughts on good governance. This was a time of civil war in France, and she urged the Dauphin to seek peace, quoting writings of Abelard, St. Benedict, and Cicero.

The Dauphin's mother, Queen Isabeau, requested of Christine her collected works. In 1414, Christine presented the queen with a lavishly illustrated compendium of 30 of her writings. The illustration above is the frontispiece, with Christine presenting the work to Isabeau.

There was a long period away from court when she wrote less. It is assumed she was avoiding the stress of civil war by staying in a Dominican convent, but in 1429 she came out with another work at the end of the civil war. That was a poem, Ditié de Jehanne d'Arc ("The Tale of Joan of Arc"). I'll talk about that, and Joan, tomorrow.

*A unit of currency. Charlemagne established it as equal to 1 pound of silver.

Christine de Pizan

Although Heloise d'Argenteuil was noted for their education and intellect, her situation was not unique. Many young girls were sent to convent schools to learn, and sometimes that education led to becoming known for writing, even if they became a cloistered nun such as Hildegarde of Bingen. Plenty of parents wanted their daughters educated for the sake of their futures. One such example is Christine de Pizan.

Cristina da Pizzano was born in Venice in 1364. Her father was a physician and court astrologer in Venice, but accepted an offer to become court astrologer to Charles V of France who, when he was not fighting England in the Hundred Years War, was promoting such intellectual projects as accurate clocks and proper agricultural techniques. Christine moved to Paris in 1368, and at the age of 15 married a royal secretary, Etienne du Castel.

Their marriage produced three children. One of their daughters, Marie du Castel,  went into the Dominican convent at Poissy in 1397 as a companion to King Charles VI's much younger daughter, Marie of Valois. Christine wrote of her visit to the convent in 1400 where she saw her daughter and the princess Marie. By that time, both Christine's father and husband had died from the Plague, in 1388 and 1389 respectively.

Left to care for her children and mother alone, Christine had to fight for years in the court system to get money from her dead husband's estate. She started writing to support herself, and the love ballads she produced—the early ones were about lost love written in memory of her husband—gained the attention of people at the royal court. She gained royal patrons whose financial support made her and her family comfortable and also ensured that her reputation would be spread. Among her patrons were Louis I, duke of Orléans; the duke of Berry; Philip the Bold of Burgundy; Queen Isabella of Bavaria; and, in England, the 4th earl of Salisbury, Thomas Montagu. She accepted multiple requests from her wealthy patrons for their personal libraries, and would then publish her works separately for even more income. She is considered the first professional women of letters in Europe.

In 1402 she publicly criticized the popular and misogynistic Roman de la Rose by Jean de Meun, which satirized the conventions of courtly love and portrays women as seducers of good men. In 1405 she published Le Livre de la cité des dames ("The Book of the City of Ladies"), praising women's capabilities and virtues. It includes stories of women of political and military accomplishment, of learning and skill, and of prudence. She also talks about female saints. There are 25 extant manuscripts.

Through all of this, she was navigating some politically difficult times and choosing to express her opinions on events. I'll tell you more tomorrow.

The Romance of the Rose, Part 2

The title of this blog post is almost "literal" in the sense that the Roman de la Rose was written in two parts: one by Guillaume de Loris in the first half of the 13th century and the second by the poet Jean de Meun in the second half. Jean saw nothing wrong with taking what Guillaume had written and adding to it—in fact, adding four times the number of lines as the original—but also changing its themes to those of personal interest to him.

Jean added new allegorical figures such as Nature and Genius, and continued the conversation about the nature of Love and its affect on the narrator. More than that, however, was a cynical approach to other topics, mocking many of the people and conventions of his society.

He attacks the priesthood, monastic orders, and the papacy, considering the Church's fairly recently push to outlaw clerical marriage. He attacked the mendicant orders: they had begun to push into the universities, becoming teachers and threatening the seniority of the secular clergy. He also mocks the nobility and the pretensions of royalty in a pre-echo of the 14th century's peasant's cry of "When Adam delved and Eve span, who was then the gentleman?"

He also took the opportunity to express cynical views on women and marriage. He offered his list of women's vices and how men could avoid their traps. Although this may have been entertaining to some readers, as the work became popular it was attacked by many writers of the 14th century, such as by Jean Gerson, Christine de Pizan, and Pierre d'Ailly.

One of its aspects that may have helped its duplication and distribution is that the (second) author had a broad knowledge of current scientific and literary knowledge. He packs into the total work a lot of references to classical authors and historical events. In fact, it is a reference to a specific event that helps place the composition: the execution of Conradin by Charles of Anjou in 1268, so the poem was completed after that date and before Jean's death in 1305.

Despite the hostility it received from some quarters, it was enormously popular. Chaucer made a translation called The Romaunt of the Rose, which he mentions in his poem The Legend of Good Women, but the extant version of The Romaunt of the Rose that we have may not have been produced by Chaucer, since parts of it differ stylistically from Chaucer's other works.

Back to the hostility, however, and a contemporary of Chaucer: Christine de Pizan is considered one of the earliest feminist writers, and we should talk about her more. We'll start that conversation next time.

The Romance of the Rose, Part 1

Let's talk about the most popular secular literary work in the Middle Ages. More manuscripts have survived of the Roman de la Rose than just about any other non-religious work. It has a few other notable aspects. One is its length: 21,782 lines! The other is that it is an unintended collaboration by two men who never met.

Guillaume de Lorris (c.1200 - c.1240) was a French scholar and poet who wrote 4,058 lines of a romantic poem called the Roman de la Rose c.1230. That is all we know about him; we would know even less if not for Jean de Meun. Jean de Meun (c.1240 - c.1305) was a Parisian writer who picked up Guillaume's work and added 17,724 lines. The only reason we know the name "Guillaume de Lorris" is that Jean de Meun names him as the man who started the poem that de Meun continued.

"Continued" should not be construed to mean "carried on in the same vein as the original." Guillaume's section takes place in a walled garden, a stereotypical locus amoenus ("pleasant place") for medieval lovers. The narrator describes a dream he had as a young man, finding the garden with carvings on the outside of the wall of women representing vices such as Cruelty, Covetousness, and Avarice.

When I the age of twenty had attained –
The age when Love controls a young man’s heart –
As I was wont, one night I went to bed
And soundly slept. But there came a dream
Which much delighted me, it was so sweet...

Inside the garden, however, he finds a different situation. A beautiful woman named Idleness introduces him to a young man named Pleasure, who in turn introduces the narrator to Love, Joy, Courtesy, and Pleasant Looks. After spending some time with them, the narrator goes for a walk, unaware that he is being stalked by Love. He comes to a pool in which he glimpses a beautiful rose. Just then, Love shoots him with five arrows— Beauty, Simplicity, Courtesy, Company, and Fair Seeming—and then demands the narrator become a servant to Love.

The narrator's goal then is to pursue the rose (which represents a lady as well as female sexuality). Reason appears and tells the narrator to abandon his quest for the rose. Friend comforts the narrator, who goes back to kiss the rose, but Jealousy builds a castle around the rose to keep the narrator away.

It doesn't seem likely that that is where Guillaume meant his poem to end, but that is all we have from him. When Jean de Meun came across it and decided to add more, he changed the tone a bit (he also might have edited the original, so we cannot be certain we know exactly what Guillaume wrote). Tomorrow I'll tell you how he changed the direction and used it to criticize more than just the act of falling in love.

When a Love Affair Goes Public

The story of Abelard and Heloise—revealed through their own writings and love letters—have intrigued people since the 12th century. They not only reveal the details of their relationship and feelings toward each other, but they also discuss and analyze love and related topics in philosophical terms.

These long letters, it is assumed, were kept by Heloise at the Abbey of the Paraclete, founded by Abelard and conceded to her when her convent was expelled from its original home by Abbot Suger. Their contemporary, the English anecdotalist Walter Map, mentions their story. It is possible that the letters were read by others during the process of delivery.

Eventually, the originals were uncovered at the Abbey of the Paraclete and someone decided they should be read more widely. The earliest manuscript collections are from the later 13th century. Some scholars think that the wounding of the Grail King in Chrétien de Troyes was influenced by Abelard's situation.

Their love story makes it into Jean de Meun's part of the Roman de la Rose ("Romance of the Rose"). Chaucer's Canterbury Tales mentions Heloise in the Wife of Bath's prologue, referring to her husband's book of "wicked wives" in which is mentioned "Heloise, that was abbess not far from Paris."

A 1616 Latin translation in Paris led to several versions in different European languages and kept their story alive into the 18th and 19th centuries where its popularity really took off. They were considered tragic lovers—rebelling against the restrictions of their time and society—who were united in death. Their remains were taken from the Abbey of the Paraclete and re-interred in the Père Lachaise Cemetery, established by Napoleon and housing many famous French citizens.

Speaking of long writings about love, the reference to Jean de Meun's "part" of the Roman de la Rose needs explanation. I'll explain that, and what the Roman was, tomorrow.

Abelard and Heloise, the Letters

The relationship of Abelard and Heloise was not only one of the great (true) "forbidden love" stories of the Middle Ages, it was also one of the greatest intellectual couplings of history. Had the two been able to spend their lives together, they would surely have produced some groundbreaking philosophical works.

Two works provide us with insight into their lives and thoughts. One is the Historia Calamitatum of Abelard, the "History of my Calamities" that explains the origin and downfall of their love affair. The second (and, in manuscripts, always appended to the Historia) was a collection of seven long letters (three by Abelard, four by Heloise), exchanged after they were living separate lives. There is actually a third source: an exchange of letters between Heloise (one letter) and Peter the Venerable (three letters), that have survived.

We learn a lot of their two natures and temperaments. The first letter in the series, from Abelard, refers to their last time together when she expressed how miserable she was and he tried to comfort her. Failing to do so, he tries again to make her feel less sad about her condition in the most arrogant way imaginable, by telling her that her troubles are nothing compared to his life:

The last time we were together, Philintus, you gave me a melancholy account of your misfortunes. I was sensibly touched with the relation, and, like a true friend, bore a share in your griefs. What did I not say to stop your tears? I laid before you all the reasons Philosophy could furnish, which I thought might anyways soften the strokes of Fortune: but all endeavors have proved useless: grief I perceive, has wholly seized your spirits: and your prudence, far from assisting, seems quite to have forsaken you. But my skilful friendship has found out an expedient to relieve you. Attend to me a moment; hear but the story of my misfortunes, and yours, Philintus, will be nothing, if you compare them with those of the loving and unhappy Abelard. Observe, I beseech you, at what expence I endeavour to serve you: and think this no small mark of my affection; for I am going to present you with the relation of such particulars, as it is impossible for me to recollect without piercing my heart with the most sensible affliction. [Gutenberg Project]

Her response was much more kind-hearted than one would expect:

I do not, however, reproach you for the innocent artifice you made use of to comfort a person in affliction, by comparing his misfortune to another much greater. Charity is ingenious in finding out such pious artifices, and to be commended for using them.

But she has accepted her fate, although she did not choose it and does not enjoy it:

You know it was neither zeal nor devotion which led me to the cloister. Your conscience is too faithful a witness to permit you to disown it. Yet here I am, and here I will remain; to this place an unfortunate love, and my cruel relations, have condemned me. But if you do not continue your concern for me, If I lose your affection, what have I gained by my imprisonment? What recompense can I hope for? The unhappy consequence of a criminal conduit, and your disgraces, have put on me this habit of chastity, and not the sincere desire of being truly penitent. Thus I strive and labour in vain.

She is far more mature and far less self-centered than the man she fell for.

The letters not only give insight to their relationship, but also comments that explain monastic life. Still, it is the love story that captured the attention of centuries to come. I'll talk a little more about their letters and story next time before we move on.

Abelard and Heloise, After the Fall

After the lives of Peter Abelard and Heloise d'Argenteuil took a catastrophic turn, they both entered cloistered settings.

Abelard retired as a monk at the Abbey of Saint-Denis near Paris, refusing to discuss his actions with the public that had revered him as a scholar and debater. He could not stay away from intellectual pursuits, however, and eventually left Saint-Denis and opened a school in a priory owned by the Abbey. He lectured more on theology and the spiritual, rather than Logic and Dialectic. He discovered what he considered many inconsistencies in church writings, and produced a work he called Sic et Non ("Yes and No") to explain them.

It was another work, the Theologia Summi Boni ("Theology of Supreme Good") that got him in trouble. His explanation of the Trinity differed from the accepted dogma, and he was charged with thinking there was only one person in the Trinity, not three separate entities working as one. His teaching was condemned at a synod in 1121, and he was forced to burn a copy of the Theologia himself. He was sentenced to remain always in a monastery not his own, but it must have been revoked because he quickly returned to Saint-Denis.

In 1122, the newly appointed Abbot Suger allowed Abelard to go live wherever he wished. Suger likely did not want the controversial figure under his roof. Besides, he was annoying his fellow monks with frivolous conjectures about the founding of the monastery. He went to a deserted area of Champagne, built a cabin of reeds, and created a rough oratory dedicated to the Trinity. When his presence became known, students flocked to him for learning. He began to teach again, and the revenue and donations that came as a result led to a building of wood and stone, the Oratory of the Paraclete. He founded a Benedictine monastery there, and taught there for five years

Meanwhile, Heloise was a nun. He had strongly urged Heloise to take vows; she did not have many options in 12th century France. She quickly rose in the ranks, becoming a prioress at Argenteuil, but it was seized by Abbot Suger in 1128 for his monks, offering nothing to the nuns resident there in exchange. Abelard offered her the Abbey of the Paraclete (illustrated above from a 19th century history of France), re-dedicating it as a nunnery, and he moved on to the Abbey at Saint-Gildas-de-Rhuys in Brittany. Heloise remained Abbess of Paraclete for the rest of her life.

Saint-Gildas was in a rough area, full of lawlessness; the abbey itself was undisciplined. Abelard did not enjoy his time there, and started teaching again. He must have been back in Paris teaching by 1136, because John of Salisbury mentions listening to him there.

During all the time, he was writing. He revised the Theologia, and wrote other works that also proved to be controversial. Heloise also wrote, and the two wrote letters to each other that were so intellectually stimulating that they actually put them together for publication to educate theorists world about love and theology. I'll tell you more about them next time.