Gerard de Ridefort

Gerard de Ridefort (that's his coat of arms to the left) is another of the many characters who has no known background recorded anywhere—we don't know his family, birthdate, education, whence he came—until he rose to prominence in some group. In this case, he barely appears in records in the service of King Baldwin IV of Jerusalem, and then is suddenly Marshal of the kingdom in October 1179.

It seems from the Chronicle of Ernoul that he was supposed to marry an heiress, Cécile Dorel, the niece of Raymond III of Tripoli. I told the story (in "The Power of Gold") of how he lost her because of 10,000 bezants. After that incident, Gerard fell ill for awhile, then swore off women and joined the Templars.

When Baldwin IV died and there was disagreement in the kingdom over the proper husband for the successor, Queen Sibylla, Raymond of Tripoli (and many others) felt her husband, Guy of Lusignan, was unsuitable, and a search in Europe was conducted to find someone else. Gerard, holding a grudge against Raymond, chose to support Guy as king.

After 1187, when the trip to Europe resulted in a donation from King Henry II of England to support the Christian kingdoms in the Holy Land, Gerard took the money designated for the Templars and hired mercenaries to attack Saladin's son, al-Afdal, in the poorly planned Battle of Cresson. They were hopelessly outnumbered and Gerard was wounded. He was also one of the few that even survived.

That was in May. In July he led the Templars into the Battle of Hattin. Hattin was a disaster for the Christians. Saladin had taken the city of Tiberias. Gerard and others wanted to besiege it and take it back. Raymond's advice was to wait and let Saladin leave the strong-walled city to continue spreading his territory. Gerard wouldn't listen to Raymond and wound up on an undefended plain where they were surrounded and captured. Gerard was one of many prominent men taken hostage. Lower ranked Templars were executed.

Gerard was offered a deal by Saladin. If Gerard would convince a particular Templar fortress to simply surrender without fighting, Saladin would let Gerard go. Gerard agreed, then did the opposite: he went to Tortosa, a major port on the Syrian coast, and set up its defense. He seized more of the money that Henry II had donated to the Crusader cause (but not specifically given to the Templars). Conrad of Montferrat wrote a letter in September 1188 complaining about this.

Gerard used the money for more mercenaries. He and Guy went to the Siege of Acre, where Gerard was again taken hostage by Saladin. Saladin had little patience with someone who had broken his promise once already, and beheaded Gerard.

The Siege of Acre became a significant event in the history of the Crusades, and though mentioned has never been discussed in detail. We'll take a close look at it starting tomorrow.

The Hospitallers Change

Founded originally to care for the sick and poor in Jerusalem, there were new statutes for the Hospitallers in March 1182 under the leadership of their grandmaster, Roger de Moulins. These new statutes tried to formalize certain practices:

1. To welcome 30 poor people each day at meals.

2. To give alms to anyone who came to the door of the hospital three days each week.

3. To wash the feet of 13 poor people on the Saturday of Lent and provide them with clothes and shoes.

This was when they officially became a charitable Order. This is also when members began to be listed as doctors and surgeons, brought on because the ordinary members did not have sufficient medical knowledge.

Also, this is when they officially declared themselves a religious-military Order. At the death of a member, a Mass was to be said and the coffin would be covered with a red sheet with white cross, as if they were a priest.

Roger did not get along with the new head of the Templars, Gerard de Ridefort. Besides the general rivalry felt between the Hospitallers and the Templars, the two men had opposing political views. Roger was part of the group that felt Queen Sibylla of Jerusalem needed a new husband to replace Guy of Lusignan. Gerard supported Sibylla and Guy.

Both groups, however, cared about the survival of the Christian kingdoms established by the Crusades, so Templars and Hospitallers worked together. Roger's recent trip to England had motivated King Henry II to send money for the defense of the Holy Land (in lieu of going on Crusade himself, which he had vowed to do after the death of Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Becket). Gerard used Henry's money that went to the Templars to hire extra troops to mount an offensive against Saladin.

Roger and some Hospitallers joined Gerard and 100 Templars in an attack against Saladin's son in May 1187. Saladin's son, al-Afdal, had 5000 men, however, and the Christians were hopelessly outnumbered. Gerard was one of the few to escape the Battle of Cresson, though wounded. Roger was killed by a spear.

Gerard has come down to us in literature (and video games) as arrogant, headstrong, uncompromising. Let's see what other problems he might have had tomorrow.

Roger de Moulins

Roger de Moulins was not known to history until 1177 when he became Grandmaster of the Knights Hospitaller. His chief concern seemed to be urging King Baldwin IV of Jerusalem to be aggressive in the war with Saladin.

Roger was part of the Battle of Montgisard (pictured) against the Ayyubid Sultanate (the dynasty founded by Saladin when he came to power). The fighting was fierce: Roger's own report was that 1100 men had been killed and a further 750 wounded. It was one of Saladin's few defeats, but completely redeemed by him at the Battle of Hattin ten years later.

The full name of the Hospitallers was Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem. They had founded a hospital for the care of the sick and wounded in Jerusalem in 1113. The Order's increasing involvement in military affairs made them well-known and powerful, but distracted them from their original purpose. Their second Grandmaster, Raymond de Puy, had started them on a more military bearing.

Pope Alexander III issued a papal bull, declaring that they were not allowed to fight anyone unless attacked and urging the Order to focus on caring for the sick and the poor. Alexander also urged the Order to forget their rivalry with the Templars for the sake of unity in the Holy Land. The two Orders soon got together to negotiate a truce. The Orders, however, retained their rivalry.

Roger traveled Europe along with his Templar counterpart, Arnold of Torroja, and the Patriarch of Jerusalem Heraclius, to persuade Pope Lucius III and European nobles to form a new Crusade for the support of the Holy Land and to find a husband for Queen Sibylla to replace Guy of Lusignan. Roger also intended to establish the Hospitallers in England, France, and Germany.

Arnold died along the way. Roger clashed with Arnold's successor, Gerard de Ridefort, Templar and Marshall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem who supported Guy of Lusignan as husband for Queen Sibylla of Jerusalem. Roger had been given the privilege of holding the key to the royal treasury, and at first refused to turn it over to Guy when Guy was crowned King of Jerusalem.

In 1182, Roger made a significant and interesting change in the Order's statutes that changed the atmosphere surrounding it. I'll explain more tomorrow.

Templars versus Hospitallers

In the 12th century, while the kingdoms established in the Holy Land by Western Europeans were struggling to maintain themselves against their Muslim neighbors, two of their chief means of support were the Knights Templar and the Knights Hospitaller. Each of these Orders had been recognized by popes, and their chief function was to provide safe escort for pilgrims.

This meant, of course, that they needed to be effective militarily. The Hospitallers additionally were supposed to provide care for the sick and injured; they had started with a hospital built in 1113 (right after the First Crusade) in Jerusalem on the site of the Benedictine monastery of St. John the Baptist.

Orders cannot live on faith, so they need donations and other means of financial support. One method of financial support was fighting. Each Order joined military excursions when asked, which allowed them to partake of the spoils of war. By the 1180s, the two Orders were public rivals.

Pope Alexander III (reigned 1159-1181) did not want their rivalry to create its own internal problem when all Christian forces in the Middle East needed to be united, so he called for mediation. He persuaded the two Orders to call a truce in 1179 and then set up a mechanism for resolving their differences. Before the mediation could be arranged, however, Alexander died. Pope Lucius III (reigned 1181-1185) presided over the mediation, along with King of Jerusalem Baldwin IV.

The respective Grandmasters of the Templars and Hospitallers, Arnold of Torroja and Roger de Moulins, chose three brothers from each of their Orders. Each brother had the right to choose two additional brothers. The brothers were to gather and find a negotiation on which they could agree to prevent inter-Order hostility. They would the bring their conclusions to the Grandmasters.

One thing they all agreed on: diocesan authorities were opposed to the privileges given to the military Orders. The Orders had privileges and immunities that secular clergy did not have. The Third Lateran Council of 1179 forbade the military Orders from accepting property and tithes unless the local diocesan authority (bishop) approved.

The two Orders resolved their differences, and two papal bulls forced the secular clergy to accept that the Templars and Hospitallers were important and excommunication would be the punishment for anyone attacking the knights.

Tomorrow I'll say a little more about Grandmaster Roger de Moulins and a big change for the Hospitallers.

Heraclius in Europe

So Heraclius of Jerusalem set off for Europe to find support for the Latin kingdoms in the Holy Land and perhaps a husband for Queen Sibylla of Jerusalem. (She already had a husband, Guy of Lusignan, but many wanted him replaced.)

With him went others to lend weight to his requests. The ninth Grandmaster of the Knights Templar, Arnold of Torroja, was one. Arnold was in his 70s at the time, and was known as a great mediator, having conducted successful negotiations with Saladin and with the Knights Hospitaller, who were becoming more powerful and popular and whom the Templars considered rivals.

In fact, that rival, Grandmaster of the Knights Hospitaller Roger de Moulins, also went along. They had buried their differences in meetings with King Baldwin IV and Pope Lucius III. Roger had urged Baldwin and others to continue warring on Saladin. He also went along to establish the Hospitaller Order in England, France, and Germany.

Heraclius also took with him some significant tokens of his authority to speak on behalf of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. He took the keys to the city of Jerusalem and to the Holy Sepulchre and to the Tower of David, a palace complex.

The first stop was Italy. While there, Arnold fell ill. He died in Verona on 30 September, 1184. (He was succeeded by Gerard of Ridefort as grandmaster, but Ridefort did not join Heraclius.)

In England they had several meetings with King Henry II (depicted above by a 20th century artist, Stephen Reid). Heraclius consecrated the Temple Church built by the Templars in 1185, as well as the new Hospitaller priory and hospital at Clerkenwell. Henry agreed to go with the group to France to have further meetings with King Philip II. The two kings agreed to send money and soldiers to the Holy land. Heraclius had been hoping to have one of the kings or a prince to go as well. Henry had actually vowed to go on Crusade years earlier after the death of Thomas Becket, but had never gone. Heraclius reminded him of his broken vow and criticized him for it.

Heraclius returned to Jerusalem in late 1185, finding Baldwin IV dead and his nephew in place as Baldwin V. The boy was five, so a regent was needed. Heraclius never found another husband for Sibylla, but the issue was resolved by Sibylla herself in a way that no one liked but could not fight.

I'd like to take a side turn now to the rivalry between the Hospitallers and Templars and talk about the resolution between them. See you tomorrow.

Heraclius of Jerusalem

When King Baldwin IV of Jerusalem was worried about finding a husband for his sister who could run the kingdom, he sent Heraclius, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, on a quest to find a suitable candidate. Heraclius took this seriously and traveled to Europe to look.

Heraclius had studied law at the University of Bologna and had come to Jerusalem some time before 1168 when his name starts to appear as witness to documents from the patriarchate. In 1169 he was made archdeacon of Jerusalem, and by 1175 he was archbishop of Caesarea. His fellow alumnus from Bologna, William of Tyre, was archbishop of Tyre.

As fellow archbishops, they both were part of the Third Lateran Council in 1179 (when Pope Alexander III declared that free education should be offered by the Church). When the position of patriarch of Jerusalem came available, William assumed he was the likeliest candidate. Normally, Baldwin IV would do the choosing, but he had other things on his mind and so entrusted the decision to his mother, Agnes of Courtenay. She made the choice of Heraclius.

Unfortunately for Heraclius, what we know of his character is found in the writings of the Kingdom of Jerusalem's official chronicler, William of Tyre, whom we can assume was not happy about the patriarchate of Jerusalem going to someone else. We are told that he got the position through being Agnes' lover, and that he lived openly with a widow by whom he had a daughter. An anonymous 13th-century chronicle called Estoire d'Eracles ("History of Heraclius") claims that Heraclius excommunicated William and arranged for William to be poisoned. That is clearly not true, since William was an archbishop until his death in 1185.

The illustration shows Heraclius as patriarch overseeing the marriage of Baldwin's likeliest successor, his sister Sibylla of Jerusalem, and Guy of Lusignan (I'm not sure if this is their first or their second marriage.) This marriage was problematic: Guy was considered unsuitable to run the kingdom after Baldwin died, but Baldwin pushed the marriage through to avoid having the choice usurped by Raymond III of Tripoli and Bohemond III of Antioch, who themselves were concerned about Baldwin's failing health and the succession.

Despite the marriage, Baldwin accepted that Guy might have to be replaced, and he asked Heraclius to help. In 1184, Heraclius headed to Europe to look for help in resolving the impending crisis of the Holy Land. He needed to find a new husband and military support. He took with him others whose reputation would carry weight, and also tokens that supported the seriousness of their mission.

Tomorrow I'll explain his companions, the tokens, and what success—or not—he found.

The Double Marriage

So Sibylla of Jerusalem married Guy of Lusignan and spoiled the plot of others to marry her to someone else. Her brother, King Baldwin IV of Jerusalem, was content that now there was someone to inherit the throne in the event of his inevitable death through complications from leprosy.

Many in the High Court were opposed to Guy. When King Baldwin was becoming increasingly unable to function, the court decided to make Baldwin, Sibylla's son from her marriage to William of Montferrat, co-king although he was only five years old. At his coronation, his step-father Guy was not invited. 

The question of regent for young Baldwin was raised. The obvious choice was his mother Sibylla and step-father Guy. Guy was considered unsuitable by many, however, so Raymond of Tripoli was named.

Consulting with the Latin patriarch of Jerusalem about the future of the kingdom, Heraclius, one obvious path was to have Sibylla's marriage annulled and have her marry a more suitable candidate to run the kingdom. Heraclius traveled to Europe to find someone able to secure the Kingdom of Jerusalem for the future.

Baldwin IV died in March 1185, making Baldwin V sole king. Unfortunately, Baldwin V died in mid-1186. (The illustration depicts the death of Baldwin IV and coronation of Baldwin V.) The succession fell to Sibylla.

The High Court told Sibylla her marriage to Guy had to be annulled if she intended to be Queen of Jerusalem. The same thing had happened to her father, Amalric, who was forced into an annulment from Agnes of Courtenay. She was a little more clever than her father, however, and said she would agree to the annulment if she were allowed to choose her next husband. The court agreed, the annulment took place, and Sibylla made her choice:

Guy of Lusignan.

He turned out to be a pretty bad King of Jerusalem, fighting with his allies like Raymond, and losing at the Battle of Hattin then becoming prisoner to Saladin. He was eventually freed, made more mistakes, and was removed from Jerusalem. King Richard I of England gave him the governorship of Cyprus in 1192. By the time of Guy's death in 1194, Cyprus was bankrupt, Guy having given away the landed property to anyone loyal to him.

So what happened to Heraclius, traveling Europe and looking for support for the Kingdom of Jerusalem? He was busy, let me tell you. Let me tell you tomorrow, that is.

A Guy for Sibylla

After the death of William of Montferrat, Sibylla of Jerusalem needed a new husband. The kingdom of Jerusalem was in a difficult position. Her brother, King Baldwin IV, was suffering from leprosy and wanted to be able to turn the kingdom over to a man who could lead the armies, so he wanted to get his sister married.

The High Court wanted Duke Hugh III of Burgundy, but he turned down the offer. Baldwin gave the King of France the authority to choose an alternate to Hugh, but since Sibylla already had a son who was in the line of succession through her, who would want to be king and see someone else's son inherit the throne?

According to contemporary chronicler William of Tyre, during the Holy Week of 1180, both Count Raymond III of Tripoli and Prince Bohemond III of Antioch marched to Jerusalem to force Baldwin to have Sibylla marry Baldwin of Ibelin and then give up his power immediately to his sister and new brother-in-law.

The Ibelin family had recently risen to prominence. Hugh of Ibelin (Baldwin's eldest brother), had become the third husband of Agnes of Courtenay, and Sibylla's mother. Sibylla's father, Amalric, after being annulled from Agnes of Courtenay, had married Maria Comnena. After Amalric's death, Maria Comnena had married Balian, the Lord of Ibelin and Baldwin's younger brother. The Ibelin family had become intertwined with the royal family of Jerusalem, then why not have a trifecta and have Sibylla marry an Ibelin?

Well, Bohemond and Raymond were foiled. Baldwin either knew of their plan and did not approve, or out of desperation he hatched his own plan.

A Poitevin knight, Guy of Lusignan, had recently come to Jerusalem. Guy was not the noblest of knights, having been exiled from Poitou because he and his brothers tried to kidnap Eleanor of Aquitaine for ransom. (This was a dumb idea.)

Another contemporary chronicler, Ernoul, records that Sibylla wrote to Baldwin of Ibelin to tell him that she would persuade her brother to let them be married on one condition. The condition was that Baldwin of Ibelin had to get himself out of captivity: he was currently held for ransom by Saladin, by whom he and Templar master Odo of Saint Amand had been captured in 1179. Ernoul, a squire of Balian of Ibelin, was probably saying this to make the Ibelins look better. Modern historians doubt Ernoul's account.

On the other hand, it is said that Saladin learned of the plan to force Sibylla to marry Baldwin and make him king, and Saladin raised the ransom from a knight's to a king's ransom, making it prohibitively expensive to get him released. (He was ransomed later by Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Comnenos.)

So Sibylla married Guy of Lusignan. Tomorrow we'll see how they handled the kingdom.

Queen Sibylla of Jerusalem

King Amalric I of Jerusalem, and his first wife, Agnes of Courtenay, had three children. When Amalric was forced to put Agnes aside via annulment in order to be crowned, he first guaranteed that his children would be recognized as legitimate, just in case he did not produce any more heirs.

Sibylla was the oldest of the children of Agnes and Amalric, born before 1161 when her brother Baldwin was born. She was named after Sibylla of Anjou, her father's half-sister, who at the time of the younger's birth had come to Jerusalem on pilgrimage and decided to abandon her husband and children and be a nun.

When Amalric was forced to put Agnes aside, the palace did not have a queen/mother for awhile, so the child Sibylla was sent to be raised by her great aunt, Ioveta, abbess of the Convent of Saint Lazarus (where the elder Sibylla had taken up residence, in fact).

Amalric wanted a good husband for Sibylla and asked the archbishop of Tyre to find someone suitable among the nobility of Western Europe, someone who was outside the orders of consanguinity (that was one reason why he had to give up Agnes). A brother-in-law of King Louis VII of France was available, Count of Sancerre Stephen I, who came to Jerusalem and was well thought of, but who ultimately rejected the marriage. William of Tyre claimed that Stephen backed out "disgracefully and foully"; William also said Stephen was "a man noble in flesh, but not so behavior." Perhaps Stephen was looking to, but not guaranteed to, become king, since other heirs existed.

Upon Amalric's death in 1174, his only son became King Baldwin IV, known as The Leper King because of his illness, with Raymond III of Tripoli as regent. (See illustration) The other option was Sibylla, who was 15.

One thing Raymond did as regent was allow Agnes of Courtenay back to court to be reunited with her children. As the current king's leprosy advanced and he became increasingly unable to function, urgency increased to find Sibylla a husband. Raymond chose William of Montferrat, called "Longsword" (not to be confused with William Longsword).

William was a cousin of both Holy Roman Emperor Frederick Barbarossa and King Louis VII of France, an excellent connection to the powers of Western Europe. By the time William arrived in Jerusalem, however, the connection was looking less useful, because Barbarossa had suffered some military setbacks and was unlikely to be able to spare his military to help in the Holy Land. Sibylla had been jilted once, however, and her prospects would look less and less favorable if she were to be jilted a second time, so the marriage had to be accepted by the Jerusalem court.

Baldwin made William Count of Jaffa and Ascalon. Shortly after the marriage, the two conceived a son, Baldwin. Succession seemed assured. Unfortunately, shortly after the couple conceived, William fell ill. He died months later, leaving Sibylla as Countess of Jaffa and Ascalon 

Once again needing a husband, claimants for Sibylla's hand arose, but weren't always acceptable to the Court, so they declared that she needed a year of mourning. We'll see tomorrow how she finally found a husband who would last.

Amalric and the Assassins

In 1173 King of Jerusalem Amalric I tried to make an alliance with the Order of Assassins. They were a sect of Shi'ite Islam whose goals were political as well as religious: they went after the Abbasid Caliphate as well as Christians. They had been subdued by the Templars and were forced into an annual tribute.

Amalric made them a deal: convert to Christianity, and you won't have to pay tribute to the Templars anymore. An envoy from the Order of Assassins to Amalric's court agreed to this. (Yes, hard to believe that this was a serious agreement on the part of the Order, since their entire identity was being faithful to their Shi'ite leader, the "Old Man of the Mountain" Rashid al-Din Sinan.)

Anyway, the envoy was returning from the negotiations when he was discovered by a patrol of Templars led by Walter of Mesnil. Despite being granted safe conduct by Amalric, the Templars killed him. William of Tyre and Walter Map both wrote about the incident, claiming it was a great loss of the chance to convert more Muslims to Christianity. (Walter Map suggested that the Templars did not want the Assassins to convert because it would make the Templars superfluous, but this imagines (quite wrongly) that there weren't plenty of non-Christians for the Templars to guard against and take tribute from.

Amalric was furious and demanded from the Templar master, Odo of Saint Armand, that Walter be turned over to him for punishment. Odo refused, saying that he had already given Walter penance to do and that Walter was being sent to the pope.

Amalric would have none of it. He went to where Walter was staying before heading to the pope and captured him, imprisoning him in Tyre.

On 15 May in 1174, Amalric's rival Nur ad-Din died. Amalric felt this was the best chance to (again) try to conquer Egypt. His first attack on a city there failed, but he accepted money to retreat. Heading back to Jerusalem, he fell ill. By the time he got to Jerusalem, it seemed clear that he had contracted dysentery. No treatment helped, and he died on 11 July. He left behind two daughters and a son, Baldwin, a sickly boy of 13 years. The illustration shows Amalric dying and the boy being crowned.

There were concerns about the young Baldwin IV. He did not seem to feel pain, which meant he was likely suffering from leprosy. In fact, I've talked about him as The Leper King, and that he was the only viable candidate, but he was fairly soon replaced by Baldwin V, his nephew through Sibylla of Jerusalem.

Since all that has been covered before, I want to turn to the mother of Baldwin V and sister of Baldwin IV, Sibylla of Jerusalem.

The 1170 Syrian Earthquake

On the morning of 29 June 1170, the inhabitants of what are now western Syria, central southern Turkey, and Lebanon were rocked by one of the largest seismic events ever to occur along the northern part of the Dead Sea Transform Fault System (also called simply the Levant Fracture).

We've mentioned earthquakes before, during a synod in England in 1382, the 1386 Destruction of Basel, and the Monday before Easter 1185 in the East Midlands. The 1170 Syrian quake was so devastating that an uneasy truce was formed between enemies Emir of Aleppo and Damascus Nur ad-Din and King Amalric I of Jerusalem.

The day had begun in 1170 and people were going about their business when it struck. In Antioch, Patriarch Athanasius I was performing Mass in the Cathedral of Saint Peter, where 70 years earlier a version of the Holy Lance had been found. Athanasius was pulled out alive but died soon after from his injuries. About 50 others were killed in the collapse of the dome. Several other churches in Antioch were also destroyed, as were the defensive walls along the Orontes river.

Damage reached from Antioch to Tripoli in the south. Bohemond III, Prince of Antioch, was so distressed by the destruction all around that he cut his hair and donned sackcloth as a sign of mourning. The Knights Templar and Knights Hospitaller had been given several castles by Count Raymond II of Tripoli as a shield on his borders to hold against the Turks. They were all reported as destroyed.

This earthquake has been estimated to have been a magnitude 7.7 on the moment magnitude scale (see illustration). The illustration shows the destructive force of the scale. Damage was so widespread that it appears in several records. In all, an estimated 80,000 people were killed, and aftershocks were felt for three months.

Although Nur ad-Din and Amalric were agreed to hold off on hostilities while rebuilding their kingdoms, others were not so kind. In December, Saladin came with an enormous force to besiege Amalric's fortress of Darum in the south while Tripoli was still trying to rebuild. For some reason, however, Saladin destroyed part of Darum and left without occupying it. Amalric rebuilt Darum to be stronger, but the threat from Egypt was clear.

Amalric did his best to preserve the kingdom. We will see how that turned out tomorrow.

Egypt Again

January 1169 saw the death of Bertrand of Blancfort, the master of the Templars. Bertrand was not as keen on invading Egypt as was Amalric I, King of Jerusalem.  In August of that year, no doubt with the influence of Amalric, Philip of Milly had been elected to lead the Templars.

Amalric and Philip had been allies for several years: the two had supported Amalric's mother, Queen Melisende, in her opposition to Amalric's brother, King Baldwin III. Around the same time Amalric convinced his ally through marriage, Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Comnenos, to send soldiers to help in the invasion of Egypt (see illustration). Amalric also had the Hospitallers on his side.

This combination Franco-Byzantine expedition thought they would be served by unrest in Egypt. Egypt was being ruled by outsiders, and Shirkuh had been killed. Rough seas hindered the fleet, however, and the mouth of the Nile was blocked, making it difficult to reach the port city of Damietta, their first goal.

William of Tyre reported that Damietta could be taken quickly; however, constructing siege engines took too long, and boats from the south could provide Damietta with fresh supplies. Also, the Egyptians launched a ship on fire at the Byzantine fleet, causing the loss of six ships.

Weather was also a problem. Heavy October rains were demoralizing, and the food stores of the attackers were running low. They were unable to land and find fresh supplies. The Greek leaders felt Amalric was being too timid. Amalric worried that they had not battered the walls of Damietta enough to try to take the city. The Greeks prepared to ignore Amalric and attack, but Amalric started negotiations with Damietta before the attack could take place. For a sum of gold, Amalric retreated. He was back home on 12 December.

It was not wise to stay away from Jerusalem for overlong, since Nur ad-Din was constantly harassing the borders. Then something happened on 29 June 1170 that caused Amalric and Nur ad-Din to declare a temporary truce, something devastating to both men and their people, with a death toll estimated at 80,000. It was not a plague.

Tomorrow we'll look at the earthquake of 1170.

Like a Mouse in a Wallet

Yesterday's post introduced the phrase more muris in pera, "like a mouse in a wallet." It was said by William of Tyre about Andronikos Comnenos, a cousin of the Byzantine Emperor, who came to the Kingdom of Jerusalem.

To explain this phrase, we first have to understand that the word "wallet" was first used in the late 14th century and referred to a very different way of carrying valuables than the pocket-sized device we think of today. The wallet at the time was a satchel (from Latin saccellus, referring to a small bag or pouch) or a knapsack. (The word was first used as a "flat case for carrying money" in 1834 in American English.)

What was a "wallet" centuries ago? A larger pouch, perhaps with a flap, for carrying many things necessary for life: currency, surely, but also items of daily necessity and food. It was something not easily lived without if something happened to it.

So when William of Tyre said that Andronikos acted like a mouse in a wallet, he was describing an ungovernable destructive force, taking advantage of access to important things.

Andronikos (born c. 1120) was an adventurous sort, with a history of scandals, both political and romantic. When he arrived in the area c.1167, he was in his 40s. Byzantine Emperor Manuel made him governor of Cilicia, but he was bored in that post and went to Antioch where there was much more excitement, like seducing Philippa of Antioch, sister of the current Prince of Antioch, Bohemond III, as well as the sister of Manuel's second wife, Maria of Antioch. Bohemond complained to Manuel, who named someone else governor of Cilicia and recalled Andronikos.

Andronikos refused to return, and Philippa turned down the offer of marriage to the newly-appointed governor of Cilicia, berating him for being inferior in all ways to Andronikos. Andronikos and Philippa went to Jerusalem where King Amalric I gave him Beirut to govern.

Andronikos abandoned Philippa a year later, and went to Acre where he seduced Theodora Comnena, the dowager widow of Amalric's predecessor and brother, Baldwin III. The two were about 30 years apart in age. For reasons mentioned yesterday, Amalric did not want Theodora to remarry, and consanguinity said they should not (Theodora was the daughter of Andronikos' cousin Isaac).

Again, Manuel was furious and demanded Andronikos return to Constantinople. When he did not, Manuel sent a command that Andronikos be blinded. This would, of course, make him ineligible to become emperor, no matter his standing in the imperial family. (This was a common way for the Byzantines to eliminate rivals.) Theodora got word of the letter demanding the blinding and warned Andronikos.

Andronikos could not be sure that Amalric would support him rather than help Manuel, and so the two eloped and went to a place they figured they could not be touched by either Manuel or Amalric: the court of Nur ad-Din, currently the biggest rival/enemy of both those rulers! In a way, this was fortunate for Amalric: the two were well out of the way, Amalric got Acre back, and through his own wife was still allied with the Byzantines.

Andronikos had much more ahead of him, including eventually becoming emperor (the illustration shows the gold coin struck showing him being crowned by Christ), but let's at least finish the love story before we return to the Kingdom of Jerusalem under Amalric.

The two traveled a lot over the next decade before settling in northeastern Anatolia just beyond the Byzantine border as guests of the 8th King of Georgia, George III. They had children, and life was fine until Byzantine imperial forces found them and captured Theodora and their children, taking them back to Constantinople. 

Andronikos himself went to Constantinople and appeared before Manuel with a chain around his neck, pleading humbly for Theodora and the children to be returned to him. Manuel relented, and the family was sent to Paphlagonia where they lived in a castle on the Black Sea coast. Andronikos was there to govern, and took  his duties seriously this time. In 1182, he would return to politics, by which time Theodora was probably dead, since she no longer appears in records.

The mouse had found his soulmate, apparently, and finally was out of the wallet. Now we can go back to the wallet and see what Amalric was up to.

A Diversion About a Marriage

(I said we would get back to Amalric, but I've discovered a side story that I would rather not put off.)

King of Jerusalem Amalric I did not want to give up on his dream of bringing Egypt under Christian control, but he could not persuade the king of France to work with him. He needed to find powerful allies, and he chose to create one through marriage. In 1165, he sent envoys, including his royal butler Odo of Saint-Amand and Archbishop Ernesius of Caesarea, to Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Comnenos to find a bride in the imperial family.

Amalric had been married to Agnes of Courtenay, but when he was ready to succeed his brother Baldwin III as king he was told he would have to get rid of her. In 1167 he married Maria Comnena, the grand-niece of the emperor. Her cousin Theodora (pictured, with attendants) had been Queen of Jerusalem as the wife of Amalric's older brother and predecessor, Baldwin III.

What happened to Theodora?

Theodora became the Kingdom of Jerusalem's first dowager queen upon Baldwin's death. She retired to Acre. Why Acre? Emperor Manuel made it part of the marriage contract, that Theodora be given Acre as her dower (a provision made by a husband to his intended wife). Theodora came to Jerusalem with over 100,000 gold coins and goods worth thousands more, so this seemed like a good deal to all. 

Life in Acre may have been fine for her, but for the young woman, it was quite boring. She was born c.1145, so with Baldwin's death in 1162 she was still very young and, in situations like this, she might have been used to make a marriage that would connect some other powerful ally to the Kingdom of Jerusalem. This was not to be the case, however. 

She was not allowed to remarry without Amalric's permission, which he was not about to give. Acre was in her possession, and if she remarried and had children they would stand to inherit Acre. Amalric wanted her childless so that Acre would revert to possession by the king.

Although the Kingdom of Jerusalem was ruled by Franks, the majority of the Christian population was Greek Orthodox, like Theodora. She would not have been completely "out of her element" among strangers, but life would have been dull. Into this situation came Andronikos Comnenos, a first cousin of Emperor Manuel. According to William of Tyre, Andronikos behaved more muris in pera, "like a mouse in a wallet."

What that means, and what it meant to the kingdom and for Theodora, I'll explain tomorrow.

Fighting for Egypt

In 1163, the young Fatimid caliph of Egypt was al-Adid, who was only 12 and a puppet of several strong nobles and viziers. His current vizier, Shawar, was overthrown by the military commander Dirgham. Shortly after, Amalric I, King of Jerusalem, attacked on the pretense that Egypt was not keeping up tributes promised to Baldwin III, Amalric's brother and predecessor.

Amalric failed, but it motivated Nur ad-Din, Emir of Aleppo, to attack Crusader forces in Syria to keep their attention away from Egypt. While Nur ad-Din was attacking Tripoli, Shawar visited him asking for help to be restored to power in Egypt.

Nur ad-Din did not want to divide his forces, but gave a Kurdish mercenary general employed by the Zengid Dynasty permission to invade Egypt. General Shirkuh was happy to do so, but his approach to Egypt frightened Dirgham enough to forge an alliance with Amalric to fight Shirkuh. Unfortunately, Amalric assembled his forces but did not arrive in time to help. Dirgham was killed, and Shawar was restored to power over the kingdom and the young caliph.

But Shawar and Shirkuh fell out and Shawar called Amalric for help. Amalric attacked Shirkuh's forces, but they came to a stalemate and each agreed to leave Egypt. In 1166, however, Shirkuh came back. Shawar called on Amalric again, who arrived in January 1167. Another stalemate was reached, and again the two agreed to retreat and leave Egypt to Shawar (although Amalric left a garrison in Cairo). Amalric also demanded more tribute from Egypt.

Amalric came back in the winter of 1168, at which point Shawar re-allied himself with Shirkuh. They could not drive Amalric out of Cairo, and Amalric progressed until he was camped at Fustat (now called Old Cairo). Shawar decided to destroy the city rather than let it fall into Christian hands. An Egyptian historian, writing at least two centuries later, says:

Shawar ordered that Fustat be evacuated. He forced [the citizens] to leave their money and property behind and flee for their lives with their children. In the panic and chaos of the exodus, the fleeing crowd looked like a massive army of ghosts.... Shawar sent 20,000 naphtha pots and 10,000 lighting bombs and distributed them throughout the city. Flames and smoke engulfed the city and rose to the sky in a terrifying scene. The blaze raged for 54 days.

Shirkuh did not give up, however. He fought until Amalric was forced out of Egypt, conquered Cairo himself, executed Shawar, and ruled Egypt for ... two months. He was succeeded by his nephew, a name better known to modern readers: Saladin.

Amalric would continue to invade Egypt. Tomorrow we'll return to see how his reign was going.