Totila as War Leader

King Totila of the Ostrogoths, although the enemy and a barbarian, was still recognized by Procopius as an impressive figure:

The armour in which he was clad was abundantly plated with gold and the ample adornments which hung from his cheek plates as well as his helmet and spear were not only purple, but in other respects befitting a king … And he himself, sitting upon a very large horse, began to dance under arms skillfully between the two armies. And as he rode he hurled his javelin into the air and caught it again as it quivered above him, then passed it rapidly from hand to hand, shifting it with consummate skill.

He also did not act the way the Mediterranean Procopius thought Germanic barbarians usually acted. The Roman/Byzantine depiction of Germanic warriors was of a group that ravaged the countryside. Totila, however, was well aware that he needed to win over the people as their king, and instead got what he needed to provision his army by collecting taxes from the towns he captured liberated from Byzantine rule.

He accepted Byzantine deserters into the ranks of his army, and it is said brought slaves into the military train, no doubt to provide non-fighting tasks like cooking, tending the wounded, and other menial tasks.

Totila showed restraint and wisdom in another incident, when after the siege of Naples he gained access to the town and its starving citizens. Food was sent on ships to aid them, but Totila captured those ships, killing the crew. With the surrender of the city, he prepared to use the provisions to feed the natives.

He knew, however, that starving people would show little restraint, and might very well make themselves ill by gorging too much when food became suddenly plentiful. Procopius explains his solution:

He posted sentinels at the gates and in the harbor and allowed no one to leave the city. Then he dealt out small rations, gradually increasing the quantity every day until the people had recovered their strength. The terms of the capitulation were more than faithfully observed. Conon and his followers were embarked in ships with which the Goths provided them, and when, deciding to sail for Rome, they were hindered by contrary winds, Totila furnished horses, provisions, and guides so that they could make the journey by land.

Despite wanting Byzantines out of Italy, Totila wanted peaceful relations with Constantinople. There was one prize that eluded him, however, and that was Rome, still under imperial control and defended by very strong walls. Totila preferred open battle, but Rome required a siege. Tomorrow we'll start the Siege of Rome.

Totila the Ostrogoth

Although the coins later minted during his reign as king of the Osgtrogoths name him Baduila, he has become known as Totila through the writings of men like Procopius. "Totila" was a diminutive name, made to make him sound less legitimate.

In one sense he was illegitimate, since he was not slated to become king. His uncle, King Ildibad, was assassinated in 541 and succeeded by Eraric. Eraric, however, had been negotiating with the Byzantines to hand over control of the Gothic kingdom in exchange for money. When this became known, Pavia offered the throne to Totila. Totila helped plan the assassination of Eraric after only five months of his reign, and was made king himself.

So Procopius and other writers of the empire labeled him a usurper, thereby legitimizing war against him, especially since under Eraric there was a chance for peace between Goths and Byzantines. Totila began a campaign of trying to drive out the Byzantines from Italy.

One of the first encounters between the two forces was the Battle of Faventia (modern Faenza) in the spring of 542. Totila had 5000 men against 12,000 Byzantines. It was not a planned battle, however. The Byzantines were marching away after a failed Siege of Verona. Totila sent 300 archers by a faster route to attack the Byzantines. While they were distracted by this, Totila's men approached. The Goths suggested single combat between two champions.

The Goth Valaris was killed by Artabazes the Armenian, but it had been planned as a sacrifice anyway, since Totila used the single combat to delay the Byzantines while the Goths all crossed the river Po and attacked the Byzantines from behind. The resulting disarray turned the encounter into a victory for the Goths. (One of the Byzantine commanders was the same Alexander mentioned here.) This victory netted the Goths prisoners and the capture of some military standards, a grave loss for Byzantine morale.

This was followed by the Battle of Mucellium, where Totila's men attacked from a hill, surprising and scattering the larger Byzantine force. The military commanders fled to different strongholds and failed to coordinate, giving Totila room to advance and reclaim more territory. His army also grew, attracting not only natives but also some Byzantine soldiers who had deserted their army.

The Goths were besieging Dryus, a Byzantine garrison, which was running out of supplies. This was when Belisarius arrived back in Italy. Aware of the situation in Dryus, he sent ships with supplies, whose arrival was not noted by the Goths. The Goths abandoned the siege when they realized the garrison had been re-provisioned and could hold out longer.

Totila needed information about Belisarius and his plans. Fortunately, he had former Byzantine soldiers now among his following, and he used them as spies. We will continue this tomorrow.

Belisarius Returns to Italy

The Gothic Wars (535 - 554) under Eastern Roman Emperor Justinian I were created to reunify the Western Roman Empire with the Eastern. They were successful, thanks to the strategies and (in one case) subterfuge of General Belisarius. After his initial success, however, Belisarius had to return to deal with additional problems, some of them caused by his own people.

Italy had been divided among several military commanders so that no one man would gain enough power to try to set up his own kingdom. That did not mean, however, that all the commanders were ethical. One of these commanders, a man named Alexander, turned out to be corrupt. One of his corrupt acts was the crime of "coin clipping": trimming the edges off gold coins and using the gold bits to make your own coins or to sell.

Alexander also charged soldiers under his command with corruption and forced them to pay fines. His soldiers began to mutiny, and some to simply quit. The Justinian Plague also meant many commanders did not want to leave their barracks and risk becoming infected.

The Goths took advantage of this timidity. Some Goth leaders, Ildibad and Totila, decided the opportunity to re-take their territory was worth the risk of catching the plague. They easily won several battles and sieges, gaining control over much of their old kingdom except for Rome, which was too large and too well-defended.

In 544 General Belisarius was told to go to Italy and reverse these outcomes. The Plague and troubles on the eastern border made it difficult to assemble troops, however, and he only had a force of about 4000.

Belisarius and Totila had different approaches. Totila had faith that his men would prevail in open battles. Belisarius had shown that he was good at sieges. Totila did not want to be stuck inside a city or  sit outside them for months waiting for a defensive force to run out of supplies, so he destroyed the walls of towns that he conquered to prevent either of those possibilities.

Belisarius was going to go up against a strong leader and decent strategist, Totila (seen above destroying the walls of Florence). Let's meet the man next time.

The Nika Riots, Part 3

Emperor Justinian's plan to end the Nika Riots involved bribes. One difficulty about the Riots was that two large and influential rival factions, the Blues and the Greens, had joined together against the imperial administration. The Greens were mostly working class: merchants, tradesmen, craftsmen. The Blues, however, were more elite, and more willing to listen to the emperor.

These two factions filled the Hippodrome, the site of chariot races that was attached to the imperial palace. Narses, a eunuch, was given gold with which to bribe the Blues. He entered the Hippodrome through the entrance used by the Blue chariot teams, going to the most influential members of the Blues. He reminded them that Justinian considered them his favorites instead of the Greens. He gave them the gold for their embers, and told them what the emperor wanted in return.

The riots had called for replacing Justinian with Hypatius, a nephew of a former emperor, Anastasius I. Hypatius had taken refuge in the palace with Justinian. An announcement went out that Hypatius would be crowned emperor at the Hippodrome. The teams let down their guard, thinking they were getting a happy outcome.

During the mock coronation, the Blues stood apart from the Greens, having been informed what would happen next. General Belisarius and his troops then entered the Hippodrome and started killing rioters. Belisarius took Hypatius and his brother Pompeius into custody while the soldiers killed anyone, Blues as well as Greens.

Procopius claimed that 30,000 people were killed, although it is likely that many of those deaths were caused not by the soldiers but by the stampede to get out of the Hippodrome. Although it would seem that Hypatius and Pompeius were innocent, Justinian now saw them as a potential threat to his power and had them executed (although later he gave their properties and royal titles to the men's children). Senators who had supported the rioters were exiled and their properties confiscated. John the Cappadocian, whose dismissal was demanded (and received) by the rioters, was reinstated.

Theophanes (c.759 - 817), writing over 200 years later, said the chariot races were not held for a long time afterward. A contemporary chronicler, John Malalas (c.491 - 578), says 35,000 were killed, although he did not have the "inside track" that Procopius had.

General Belisarius went on to be Justinian's chief commander of the military, involved in the first phase of the Gothic Wars, then having to return to northern Italy again to deal with problems (this was before the Justinian Plague and the Lombard invasion). We'll start looking at his return tomorrow.

The Nika Riots, Part 2

Let's look at how Emperor Justinian managed to stop the Nika Riots and save Constantinople. We saw yesterday how the Blue and Green factions were angered over the treatment of some of their own people, and how an attempt by Justinian to placate them with a chariot race erupted into rioting.

Now, previous emperors had sometimes canceled chariot races to avoid bringing people together and getting their adrenalin and testosterone built up, but Justinian took a different approach. He thought a chariot race would appease the crowd and give them something to focus on besides rioting.

How bad had the rioting become? They demanded that Justinian get rid of a prefect, John the Cappadocian, and one other legal administrator. Justinian agreed, and appeared in public from his balcony over the Hippodrome to apologize for the problems of his administration. He carried a Bible, and declared amnesty for all the rioters if they would cease the riots.

They were not appeased, however. Some wanted to declare a new emperor, and picked Hypatius,  a nephew of former emperor Anastasius I who was a favorite of the working-class Greens. Hypatius, uncertain of having popular support and not wishing to go against Justinian, took refuge from the crowd in the imperial palace with Justinian. Hypatius had a brother, Pompeius, who joined him. A cousin, Probus, another nephew of Anastasius, also wanted nothing to do with a potential hostile change in succession and fled the city.

The riots showed no sign of winding down in the next couple days, and Justinian considered fleeing Constantinople himself. The sea was open to him. His wife, Theodora, stopped him, saying (according to Procopius, who may, of course, have been embellishing) "Those who have worn the crown should never survive its loss. Never will I see the day when I am not saluted as empress." (Sounds like she didn't like the thought of exile, no matter how lavish it might be.)

A plan was crafted to quell the danger by bribing some of the rioters and overwhelming others. The plan started with Narses, a eunuch who had no connections or loyalties outside of the royal family that he served, and could therefore be trusted to carry out the first phase. (Narses would later be known as a military strategist during the Gothic Wars.)

Tomorrow I'll tell you how the plan worked.

The Nika Riots, Part 1

Constantinople during the reign  of Emperor  Justinian I (482 - 565) saw a tumultuous week in 532. The catalyst was a little earlier, when in 531 the city prefect, Eudaimon, arrested some citizens in connection with deaths that took place after a chariot race.

As we see today in the USA, after an intense sporting event there may be brawls that take place between fans of the opposing teams. From Ancient Rome to the time of which I speak (and beyond), the supporters of chariot-racing teams were very vocal and (at times) very violent. I spoke more about them yesterday, especially the Blues and the Greens.

Well, the brawl resulted in some deaths, and Eudaimon arrested some members of the Blues' and Greens' "fan clubs." Found guilty, they were sentenced to be executed for murder. On 10 January 532, the executions were to be carried out by hanging.

One Blue and one Green survived when, unexpectedly, the wooden scaffolding broke. This seemed to be an act of Providence, and monks from the monastery of St. Conon hurried the two survivors to a nearby church for sanctuary. Eudaimon, foiled in his attempt to seek justice, surrounded the sanctuary with his troops to prevent their escape.

This was very concerning to Justinian, who had plenty of other potential problems on his mind without angering two of the largest and most vocal groups in the city. On the eastern front he was trying to establish a peace treaty with the Persians after a six-year war. Demanding the two men be executed as planned could make things worse. Justinian was also blamed for high taxes and accusations of corruption in high government officials.

In order to avoid further unrest, he therefore decreed that their death sentence would be commuted to life imprisonment. He also declared a chariot race to be held on the 13th. The races were held in the Hippodrome (circled in red above), which was attached to the palace complex. Justinian was able to view the races and be seen from a safe balcony in his palace.

The races commenced, with the usual chants of the Blues and the Greens to cheer on their teams. As the day wore on, however, the tone changed. Instead of shouting out "Blues" or "Greens," they started shouting Nika!, "Victory" (or, if used as an imperative verb, "Conquer"). The crowds surged toward the palace itself, starting riots that lasted a week. Buildings were burned, including the Hagia Sophia, which Justinian would later have to rebuild.

Justinian's attempt at "bread and circuses," hosting more games to occupy and appease the rioters, failed. There was real fear that the city would be destroyed or the emperor overthrown. Tomorrow we'll see how it was resolved, although "resolved" is an awfully sanitized word for how it was ended.

The Blues and Greens

People love sports, and people love their sports teams, and rivalries abound. 'Twas ever thus, and Ancient Rome was no exception.

In Rome and the later Byzantine Empire, chariot races were extremely popular, so popular that the different teams, called demes (from a Greek word meaning "people" as in the words democracy and demography, but here used to mean "faction"), that were so persistently popular and polarizing that they became social and political forces and could be fiercely opposed to each other. The Blues included many of higher status, while the Greens were more of a working-class group.

There were four factions: the Blues (Veneti), the Greens (Prasini), the Reds (Russati), and the Whites (Albati); these colors were first mentioned by Pliny the Elder. The largest and most powerful were the Blues and Greens. These factions maintained their identities over centuries, starting with the time of Augustus in the 1st century BCE and lasting into the 8th century CE and beyond.

It is the 6th century in the Eastern Roman Empire that we will concern ourselves with, and the time of Emperor Justinian I (482 - 565). Although some modern scholars minimize the impact these factions had on society, evidence of the Nika Riots shows how strong an effect they could have on major cities where large numbers of the different colors resided.

Whole neighborhoods were described as pro-Blue or pro-Green. The factions created their own militias, and the emperor would sometimes request help from them in military matters. They even got involved in religious matters. When the Council of Chalcedon met, their conclusions were supported by the Blues, while the Greens were opposed (although these distinctions were not universal).

Even a 12th-century scholar, Theodore Balsamon, whose writings preserved information from earlier sources now lost to us, when writing about the Council of Trullo (in 692), comments that the emperors had no control over the factions and had to appease them.

Justinian, according to contemporary chroniclers Procopius and Evagrius Scholasticus, favored the Blues, likely because they included more elites and politicians. This made the Blues more arrogant and likely to cause trouble in Constantinople for others. Despite this, there were times when all factions felt the need to speak out against the state and join forces. One such time was the Nika Riots, when the Blues and the Greens united against Justinian. It started when the prefect of Constantinople arrested some members of the Blues and Greens in connection with some deaths during riots after (what else?) a chariot race.

The suspects were all to be executed, and on 10 January 532, the sentence was carried out. The Riots did not come about because of the executed men, but because of two—one Blue and one Green—who escaped execution by luck. I'll explain tomorrow.

General Belisarius

Flavius Belisarius (c.500 - March 565) was Byzantine Emperor Justinian's favorite military commander. He successfully managed to gain control of Northern Italy from the Ostrogoths during the Gothic Wars, and then was sent back to Italy when the Lombards invaded.

He was probably born in what is now Bulgaria, and a part of the Eastern Roman Empire (Constantinople still thought of itself as the Eastern Roman Empire; the Gothic wars were Justinian's attempt to re-unite with the Western Roman Empire). In his 20s he was a guardsman for Justinian, who at the time was not emperor but a prince and the nephew of Emperor Justin. Belisarius later was given the command to create a regiment of heavy cavalry armed with lances, bows, and long swords. This later grew to be 7000 men.

Although his early career saw him defeated many times, he retained Justinian's confidence. When Emperor Justin died in 527, Justinian took the throne and gave Belisarius command of the armies in the east. In the summer of 530, Belisarius managed an impressive defeat over the Sassanids (Persians) by digging trenches that forced the Persian cavalry into a vulnerable position. The Sassanid leader, King Kavad I, requested peace negotiations with the Byzantines.

A later loss to the Persians, however, caused him to be recalled to Constantinople and charged with incompetence.

Justinian was attempting some reforms against corruption that led ultimately to the Nika Riots, where Belisarius distinguished himself. They've been mentioned before, but it's time to explain how they came about, the intense rivalry between the Blues and the Greens, and the definitive way Belisarius dealt with the riots.

Post-Plague Constantinople

Although during the horrific events of the first recorded appearance of the Bubonic Plague during the time of Justinian we read that rivals put aside their differences, the aftermath did not usher in a golden age of humanity.

A chief chronicler of that time, Procopius, tells us that people started changing the course of their lives and acted according to their "better angels":

Nay, more, those who in times past used to take delight in devoting themselves to pursuits both shameful and base, shook off the unrighteousness of their daily lives and practiced the duties of religion with diligence, not so much because they had learned wisdom at last nor because they had become all of a sudden lovers of virtue, as it were—for when qualities have become fixed in men by nature or by the training of a long period of time, it is impossible for them to lay them aside thus lightly, except, indeed, some divine influence for good has breathed upon them—but then all, so to speak, being thoroughly terrified by the things which were happening, and supposing that they would die immediately, did, as was natural, learn respectability for a season by sheer necessity.

This virtuous behavior did not last in those who turned to it simply because they feared they were dying:

Therefore, as soon as they were rid of the disease and were saved, and already supposed that they were in security, since the curse had moved on to other peoples, then they turned sharply about and reverted once more to their baseness of hearts.

Still, the status quo would have been manageable, except that more had changed than just behavior:

And work of every description ceased, and all the trades were abandoned by the artisans, and all other work as well, such as each had in hand. Indeed, in a city which was simply abounding in all good things, starvation almost absolute was running riot. Certainly, it seemed a difficult and very notable thing to have a sufficiency of bread or of anything else; so that with some of the sick it appeared that the end of life came about sooner than it should have come by reason of the lack of the necessities of life.

Justinian couldn't raise the taxes he needed to continue his building projects—particularly the churches he wanted to build to appease God. He also couldn't maintain a military presence as he would prefer, and lost much of northern Italy to the Lombards, after just recently conquering it from the Ostrogoths.

In fact, let us return to northern Italy at this time and see how the plague affected the fighting there. To do this, we'll accompany General Belisarius, who had been so successful just a couple years earlier.

Burial During Justinian's Plague, Part 2

Just because deaths during the Justinian Plague were so numerous that they couldn't dig graves and had to resort to piling them up in stone towers doesn't mean that "proper" funerary procedures weren't followed.

Procopius does state that "At that time all the customary rites of burial were overlooked."

A "proper" funeral involved a procession by friends and relatives and a priest to the place of interment—either a tomb or a cemetery plot—with chanting. The priest would have been notified as soon after death as possible, so he could start spraying for the deceased. Relatives would stay with the deceased and read prayers in order to aid the soul to understand that it is entering the afterlife.

The decedent would be washed and dressed according to their station in the community, and sometimes covered with a white cloth. His or her hands would be crossed on their chest. There was a memorial service at the gravesite and chanting while the body was lowered into its final resting place.

This procedure was not possible when thousands were dying each day. Procopius tells us:

For the dead were not carried out escorted by a procession in the customary manner, nor were the usual chants sung over them, but it was sufficient if one carried on his shoulders the body of one of the dead to the parts of the city which bordered on the sea and flung him down; and there the corpses would be thrown upon skiffs in a heap, to be conveyed wherever it might chance.

The shared grief brought enemies together:

At that time, too, those of the population who had formerly been members of the factions laid aside their mutual enmity and in common they attended to the burial rites of the dead, and they carried with their own hands the bodies of those who were no connections of theirs and buried them.

It was not long before this that General Belisarius had stopped the Nika Riots, fighting between two factions in Constantinople (the blues and the greens) who hostility toward each other threatened to tear Constantinople apart.

It would be nice to think that this tragedy brought people together in a permanent detente. Tomorrow we'll see id that was the case.

Burial During Justinian's Plague, Part 1

Sometimes a disaster strikes a civilization that kills so many so fast that the systems for providing support and burial cannot keep up. Such was the case when the Bubonic Plague came to town. One of the earliest recorded cases of the plague sweeping through civilization came during the time of Emperor Justinian I of Constantinople.

Procopius, who recorded much of the history of this era, wrote of the advance of the plague and how it affected its victims. He also tells us of the impact it had on society:

Now the disease in Byzantium ran a course of four months, and its greatest virulence lasted about three. And at first the deaths were a little more than the normal, then the mortality rose still higher, and afterwards the tale of dead reached five thousand each day, and again it even came to ten thousand and still more than that. Now in the beginning each man attended to the burial of the dead of his own house, and these they threw even into the tombs of others, either escaping detection or using violence; but afterwards confusion and disorder everywhere became complete. For slaves remained destitute of masters, and men who in former times were very prosperous were deprived of the service of their domestics who were either sick or dead, and many houses became completely destitute of human inhabitants. For this reason, it came about that some of the notable men of the city because of the universal destitution remained unburied for many days.

Modern scholars doubt that the number reached 10,000 per day, but generally agree that 5,000 per day was a believable number. These dead were so numerous that burial in the ground was no longer possible. An unusually creative method for containing the corpses was employed:

And when it came about that all the tombs which had existed previously were filled with the dead, then they dug up all the places about the city one after the other, laid the dead there, each one as he could, and departed; but later on those who were making these trenches, no longer able to keep up with the number of the dying, mounted the towers of the fortifications in Sycae, and tearing off the roofs threw the bodies there in complete disorder; and they piled them up just as each one happened to fall, and filled practically all the towers with corpses, and then covered them again with their roofs. As a result of this an evil stench pervaded the city and distressed the inhabitants still more, and especially whenever the wind blew fresh from that quarter.

Sycae was in Thrace. Climbing outside a tower and dropping corpses into it to fill it up was a truly horrific and gruesome solution to a problem.

A proper funeral had certain actions to be performed. Were these actions completely ignored in the haste to dispose of the diseased bodies? Not necessarily. Tomorrow we'll look at how to have a "proper" funeral when your goal is to eliminate too many bodies. (The illustration is a picture of bones from a mass grave of plague victims during the Justinian Plague.)

Procopius and the Plague

The Plague of Justinian in the 540s was determined to be an early strain of the Bubonic Plague by researchers in recent years who were able to examine evidence from contemporary skeletons. The writings of Procopius described the pattern:

They had a sudden fever, some when just roused from sleep, others while walking about, and others while otherwise engaged, without any regard to what they were doing. And the body showed no change from its previous color, nor was it hot as might be expected when attacked by a fever, nor indeed did any inflammation set in, but the fever was of such a languid sort from its commencement and up till evening that neither to the sick themselves nor to a physician who touched them would it afford any suspicion of danger. It was natural, therefore, that not one of those who had contracted the disease expected to die from it. But on the same day in some cases, in others on the following day, and in the rest not many days later, a bubonic swelling developed; and this took place not only in the particular part of the body which is called boubon, that is, "below the abdomen," but also inside the armpit, and in some cases also beside the ears, and at different points on the thighs.

The advanced symptoms were different for different people:

But from then on very marked differences developed; .... For there ensued with some a deep coma, with others a violent delirium, .... For those who were under the spell of the coma forgot all those who were familiar to them and seemed to lie sleeping constantly. ..., they would eat without waking, but some also were neglected, and these would die directly through lack of sustenance. But those who were seized with delirium suffered from insomnia and were victims of a distorted imagination; for they suspected that men were coming upon them to destroy them, and they would become excited and rush off in flight, crying out at the top of their voices.

This describes what Evagrius noted as the hallucinations. The following stage was worse:

Death came in some cases immediately, in others after many days; and with some the body broke out with black pustules about as large as a lentil and these did not survive even one day, but all succumbed immediately. With many also a vomiting of blood ensued without visible cause and straightway brought death.

It defied the medical experts, who could not understand the pattern of the disease:

For example, while some were helped by bathing, others were harmed in no less degree. And of those who received no care many died, but others, contrary to reason, were saved. And again, methods of treatment showed different results with different patients.

He also gave us an account of the effect it was having on their society. That will be less gruesome than today's post, but no less tragic. I'll share that next time.

Procopius

One of the chief sources of the Gothic Wars and of 6th century Byzantine history is Procopius of Caesarea (c.500 - c.565), a Greek scholar and historian from Palestine. Besides writing Words on the Wars, he also wrote something now called Secret History, "secret" because it contained anecdotes that would be dangerous to him if published in the lifetime of his subjects, and On Buildings, a book about Emperor Justinian's public works.

Justinian came to the throne in 527, and in that same year Procopius became the legal advisor to Justinian's chief military commander, Belisarius. Procopius followed Belisarius through his various campaigns, both losses and victories, in places as varied as the banks of the Euphrates, Constantinople (where Belisarius suppressed riots with mass executions in the Hippodrome), the Vandal Kingdom in North Africa, and the wars in Italy to re-unite the Western Roman Empire with the Eastern.

Historian Edward Gibbon claimed that Procopius "successively composed the  history, the panegyric, and the satire of his own times." He both admired and criticized Belisarius and Justinian.

Procopius also gives us a firt=st-hand account of the Plague of Justinian, living through its first recorded appearance of the Bubonic Plague in Europe:

During these times there was a pestilence by which the whole human race came near to being annihilated. Now in the case of all other scourges sent from heaven some explanation of a cause might be given by daring men, such as the many theories propounded by those who are clever in these matters; for they love to conjure up causes which are absolutely incomprehensible to man, and to fabricate outlandish theories of natural philosophy knowing well that they are saying nothing sound but considering it sufficient for them, if they completely deceive by their argument some of those whom they meet and persuade them to their view. But for this calamity it is quite impossible either to express in words or to conceive in thought any explanation, except indeed to refer it to God. For it did not come in a part of the world nor upon certain men, nor did it confine itself to any season of the year, so that from such circumstances it might be possible to find subtle explanations of a cause, but it embraced the entire world, and blighted the lives of all men, though differing from one another in the most marked degree, respecting neither sex nor age.

He offers us details that seem unlikely:

Apparitions of supernatural beings in human guise of every description were seen by many persons, and those who encountered them thought that they were struck by the man they had met in this or that part of the body, as it havened, and immediately upon seeing this apparition they were seized also by the disease. Now at first those who met these creatures tried to turn them aside by uttering the holiest of names and exorcising them in other ways as well as each one could, but they accomplished absolutely nothing, for even in the sanctuaries where the most of them fled for refuge they were dying constantly.

Tomorrow we'll look at his description of the symptoms.

Describing the Plague

There were several people writing during the time of the Justinian Plague (540s CE). One was Evagrius Scholasticus (c.536 - 594), a lawyer born in Syria who wrote an enormous history of the Church. In his lifetime he saw the plague return several times:

I will also describe the circumstances of the pestilence which commenced at that period, and has now prevailed and extended over the whole world for fifty-two years; a circumstance such as has never before been recorded. Two years after the capture of Antioch by the Persians, a pestilence broke out, in some respects similar to that described by Thucydides, in others widely different. It took its rise from Aethiopia, as is now reported, and made a circuit of the whole world in succession, leaving, as I suppose, no part of the human race unvisited by the disease.

Evagrius himself caught the plague and survived, but the people around him were not so lucky:

Thus it happened in my own case ...  at the commencement of this calamity I was seized with what are termed buboes, while still a school-boy, and lost by its recurrence at different times several of my children, my wife, and many of my kin, as well as of my domestic and country servants; .... Thus, not quite two years before my writing this, being now in the fifty-eighth year of my age, on its fourth visit to Antioch, at the expiration of the fourth indiction from its commencement, I lost a daughter and her son, besides those who had died previously.

His history would be incomplete if he did not share a description of the disease's effects:

The plague was a complication of diseases: for, in some cases, commencing in the head, and rendering the eyes bloody and the face swollen, it descended into the throat, and then destroyed the patient. In others, there was a flux of the bowels. In others buboes were formed, followed by violent fever, and the sufferers died at the end of two or three days, equally in possession, with the healthy, of their mental and bodily powers. Others died in a state of delirium, and some by the breaking out of carbuncles. Cases occurred where persons, who had been attacked once and twice and had recovered, died by a subsequent seizure.

The spread of the disease was unpredictable, even for those who wanted to contract it:

The ways in which the disease was communicated were various and unaccountable: for some perished by merely living with the infected, others by only touching them, others by having entered their chamber, others by frequenting public places. Some, having fled from the infected cities, escaped themselves, but imparted the disease to the healthy. Some were altogether free from contagion, though they had associated with many who were afflicted, and had touched many not only in their sickness but also when dead. Some, too, who were desirous of death, on account of the utter loss of their children and friends, and with this view placed themselves as much as possible in contact with the diseased, were nevertheless not infected; as if the pestilence struggled against their purpose.

One of the most detailed accounts came from Procopius, who was an adult when the plague first arrived. We'll take a look at him and it tomorrow.

The Plague of Justinian

Long, long ago I made a brief mention of the Plague of Justinian, and I've made many posts dealing with the Bubonic Plague, the Black Death, and Yersinia pestis. Researchers looking at ancient DNA from victims confirmed that what struck the Eastern Roman Empire during the reign of Justinian was an earlier version of the same plague, eight centuries before its most famous appearance in Europe.

Procopius mentions it in 541, writing that it started at Pelusium, a busy port just east of the Nile delta. Contemporary writers claimed it came to Constantinople on grain ships from Egypt that carried rats. (Egypt was a large exporter of grain to the Roman Empire.) Justinian himself became ill early on, but recovered. 

Procopius claimed that at its height, the plague was killing 10,000 per day; modern scholars agree that it may have been as high as 5,000 per day at its peak. This is an exaggeration, but the following from his Anecdota (also called "Secret History") may not have been:

When pestilence swept through the whole known world and notably the Roman Empire, wiping out most of the farming community and of necessity leaving a trail of desolation in its wake, Justinian showed no mercy towards the ruined freeholders. Even then, he did not refrain from demanding the annual tax, not only the amount at which he assessed each individual, but also the amount for which his deceased neighbors were liable.

(Procopius was not always kind in his assessment of Justinian or the people he kept around him.)

The plague had results that we have seen before: farmers died, grain prices rose. Laborers took advantage of the shortage of workers and demanded higher wages.

Justinian passed laws trying to keep the economy working. In March 542 Justinian wrote a law to prop up the banks, writing that this was amid the "encircling presence of death" that had "spread to every region." In 544 he imposed price and wage controls, writing that the "chastening which has been sent by God’s goodness’ should have made workers ‘better people’ but instead ‘they have turned to avarice." Gold coins were still minted at this time, but they were made with less gold than previously.

Tomorrow I'll share some first-hand accounts of some who lived through it.

Emperor Belisarius

For the sake of ending the Byzantine invasion of Italy to conquer the Ostrogoths and unify the old Western Roman Empire with the Eastern Byzantine Empire, King Vitiges of the Ostrogoths agreed to terms with General Belisarius.

The Goths at Ravenna had little choice: they were running out of supplie. A fire destroyed the granaries inside Ravenna. This may have been sheer accident, but Procopius offers two theories: Vitiges' queen, Matasuntha, may have caused it herself, angry at her forced marriage to Vitiges, or citizens were bribed by Belisarius to cause Ravenna's fall. (There's no evidence for either conspiracy.) Moreover, once of Belisarius' commanders seized grain supply ships headed toward Ravenna and diverted them to Belisarius' troops.

The Byzantine navy was preventing any supplies from reaching Ravenna along the Adriatic coast. Belisarius had succeeded in capturing major towns in northern Italy, so no relief for Ravenna was forthcoming.

Emissaries from Emperor Justinian arrived to be part of the negotiations, with orders to speed up a resolution (the Persians were massing on the Byzantines' eastern front). They were willing to accept an offer made by Vitiges a couple years earlier: allow the Goths to keep the extreme northern parts of Italy and take some treasure as tribute.

Belisarius, however, wanted a complete victory, and refused to sign the treaty. Vitiges worried that there was something wrong with the arrangement and became suspicious. The dragging out of a resolution made the Goths start to question Vitiges' leadership. A plan was formed that seemed acceptable to almost all: all fighting would cease and Ravenna would be opened to the invaders if Belisarius—whom the Goths had come to respect as a war leader and a person—would accept the throne of the Ostrogoths himself.

Everyone agreed to the plan, but Belisarius said he would not accept the rule unless he could do so in the presence of all the Goth nobles. Belisarius sent any of his commanders who were likely to object to this plan in different directions to secure other parts of the country. He also sent ships to bring grain to Ravenna to feed the citizens, further endearing them to the idea of his rule.

Ravenna opened its gates to Belisarius and the Byzantine force in May 340. With the Byzantines inside the gates, and no chance of the Goths to defend Ravenna, Belisarius reneged on the deal, refused the crown offered to him (see illustration), and claimed Ravenna as part of the Byzantine Empire.

That summer, Belisarius returned to Constantinople with Vitiges as hostage and the treasury of Ravenna. Justinian, because of the rumors of Belisarius almost accepting the crown, did not grant his general a parade in his honor, which would have been the typical reward for a successful campaign.

Still, things were looking up for Justinian: Italy was under his rule, and the army was free to go to the eastern front and brace for Persian attack. Then, in 541, an uncontrollable problem struck, and ran through the empire for years.

Tomorrow we'll learn about the Plague of Justinian.

The Siege of Ravenna

Ravenna, in the far north coast of Italy on the Adriatic, was the capital city of the Ostrogoths. Capturing it could bring the Gothic Wars to a happy conclusion for the Byzantines, whose emperor, Justinian, wanted to reunite the Western and Eastern halves of the old Roman Empire, with him as the ruler.

General Belisarius also needed a victory, especially after the disaster in Mediolanum (Milan). At least that outcome caused the recall of General Narses to Constantinople, so Belisarius no longer had an influential man disagreeing with strategy and dividing the army's loyalty.

Two important cities on the way to Ravenna, Fiesole and Auximus, had to be dealt with first, lest they become a source of Gothic resistance behind the Byzantines besieging Ravenna. Divisions were dispatched, and each town fell in about seven months due to lack of supplies.

It was late 539, and winter was setting in, but Belisarius did not want to wait for better weather that would be months away. Also, since Franks had arrived across the Alps to support the Goths at the request of King Vitiges, Belisarius wanted to act fast before they could come south from Mediolanum.

The River Po formed one side of Ravenna's defenses, the Adriatic another. Belisarius sent men along the Po to prevent supplies coming to Ravenna from north or south. The Po was at unseasonable low levels, preventing some ships from moving. Belisarius' man captured grain ships, which he sent to Belisarius for feeding the troops once the river levels were high enough.

The Frankish King Theudebert offered to help King Vitiges in exchange for part of Italy to rule. Belisarius learned of this offer, and sent his own messengers to Vitiges to remind him that Theudebert had helped Vitiges during the Siege of Mediolanum but had then betrayed Vitiges and started attacking northern Italy with an eye to acquiring territory for himself.

Vitiges decided to open negotiations with Belisarius. (The illustration shows the two men: Belisarius on the left from a mosaic in a church in Ravenna, Vitiges from the Nuremberg Chronicle.)

In Constantinople, however, a situation had arisen that made Justinian desperate to resolve the conquest of Italy: threats from the Persians to the east were motivating him to bring Belisarius and the army back.  Fortunately, Vitiges was not seen by his people as a great war leader, and they supported the idea of peace with Constantinople. The terms of that peace, the secret modification made between the Goths and Belisarius, the "betrayal" by Belisarius, and the elimination of Vitiges, will all be looked at tomorrow.

The Failure at Milan

The insubordination of John the Sanguinary that led to the division in the Byzantine army between the forces commanded by Belisarius and those commanded by Narses created further problems. The Siege of Milan was one example.

Then called Mediolanum, it was the second wealthiest city in Italy after Rome. Archbishop Dantius of Milan sent messages to Belisarius, asking him to come and free them from Ostrogothic rule. Belisarius sent a force of 1000 men to secure it under a man named Mundilas. After occupying Milan, the soldiers spread out to secure the smaller towns and forts.

King Vitiges of the Ostrogoths then sent for help from the Franks (although Byzantine Emperor Justinian had sent gifts to the Franks to get them to stay out of the conflict). A force of 10,000 Burgundians responded, surrounding Milan. (They were sent by Theudebert I, son of Theuderic I, who later explained to the emperor that, since they were Burgundians and not Franks, he had no control over them.) Since the Byzantine force had been dispersed to other towns, Mundilas could not attempt attacking the siege.

Belisarius ordered other divisions to go to Milan, but those divisions would not do so right away. They asked other nearby divisions for support. Those divisions, led by John the Sanguinary and General Justin, would not agree to help until they got advice from Narses.

The delays were making life in Milan difficult. They were not well provisioned, and starvation was becoming a real threat. Belisarius pleaded with Narses to tell the others to help Milan. Narses relented, but the delays in communication and disagreement proved fatal for Milan. Mundilas had taken the city in April 538. It was now March 539, and starvation forced him to accept the terms presented by the enemy: give over the city and your men's lives will be spared.

The soldiers were allowed to leave with their lives, but for the rebellion of the Milan townspeople, punishment was severe. Procopius reports that 300,000 men were slain, the women given to the Burgundians as payment for their service, and the city destroyed. (The illustration is of some of the remaining Roman walls.) One of the victims was Reparatus, brother of Pope Vigilius.

Narses received some blame for this disaster; it led to his recall (mentioned yesterday). Belisarius, now reconfirmed as supreme commander, prepared to go after the capital city of the Ostrogoths, Ravenna.

See you tomorrow.

Belisarius and Narses

The outcome of the insubordination of John the Sanguinary created a dangerous precedent. General Narses disagreed with General Belisarius' approach to the conquest of Italy from the Ostrogoths, and was motivated to disobey the orders from the man who was supposed to be sole commander of the Byzantine forces. Procopius wrote "And from that time both these men began to regard each other with great suspicion." (The illustration shows mosaics of the two generals; Belisarius is on the left.)

One example of the army splitting was at a siege of Urbino. Originally a united army, at one point John's opinion was that the siege would not work. Narses agreed, and John and Narses withdrew their divisions despite Belisarius pleading for them to stay. Belisarius stayed, and Urbino did succumb (after the failure of their water reserves).

John's impatience with sieges worked against him when he tried and failed to besiege Caesena. Abandoning that goal, he got lucky by taking another town by surprise.

The fall and winter of 538 saw the Byzantine army working under two different commanders. Narses even ignored the letter from Emperor Justinian stating that Belisarius was in charge. Narses was recalled to Constantinople, where he remained secure in the emperor's good graces. (Years later he would help the Empress Theodora and Belisarius' wife, Antonina, in a major coup.)

Jumping ahead a little: Narses returned to Italy and the ongoing Gothic Wars in 551 with Justinian's cousin Germanus. Germanus, however, died on the way, and Narses was given supreme command of the army. Belisarius had at this time occupied Rome (after another siege), but was ready to retire from many years of war. (The retirement was temporary.)

Narses later fought a battle against the Goths that made him regarded as Belisarius' equal as a general and strategist. But let's return to the earlier part of the wars and see what Belisarius was doing when some of his commanders would not follow orders.

John and Narses

I thought we'd elaborate a little on the conflict mentioned yesterday about the taking of Ariminum (modern Rimini) by a Byzantine force under a general called John the Sanguinary. Emperor Justinian I was invading Italy to take control of the Western Roman Empire from the Ostrogoths, and John was part of that plan.

Originally tasked by Justinian to bring supplies to Rome, where General Belisarius was surrounded by the forces of King Vitiges, John decided to raid other Ostrogothic territory and capture Ariminum, close to the Gothic capital of Ravenna. That action caused Vitiges to pull his army away from Rome and move back north to protect Ravenna and re-capture Ariminum. Belisarius sent a message to John to pull the army away from Ariminum, but John decided to stay and hold the town.

This meant John and his army were now under siege. A gathering of Byzantine commanders discussed the situation. There was some discussion that John should be taught a lesson for insubordination. Into this discussion came General Narses, who arrived with Byzantine reinforcements.

Narses, at one time Justinian's chamberlain, was considered just as good a general as Belisarius. He argued that a defeat of John by the Goths would embolden them and demoralize the Byzantines. Belisarius created a plan (see illustration) that would give Vitiges an escape route rather than trying to defeat him in battle. As Belisarius' forces approached and camped, they would light far more campfires than needed to give the impression of superior numbers.

The plan worked, Vitiges withdrew the Goth army to Ravenna, and John and Ariminum were saved. John refused to show gratitude to Belisarius, however, and gave credit for the victory to Narses. Belisarius called a meeting of officers to caution that the Goths still were in command of a larger army than the Byzantines. Belisarius wanted a slower approach, securing towns that were favorable to Byzantium.

Narses argued for an attack on Ravenna itself. Opinions and sentiment about leadership were becoming divided, but Belisarius held a trump card. He had a document from Justinian, which he revealed, that stated:

We have not sent our steward Narses to Italy in order to command the army; for we wish Belisarius alone to command the whole army in whatever manner seems to him to be best, and it is the duty of all of you to follow him in the interest of our state.

Narses replied that Belisarius' plan was not, in fact, "in the interests of the state" and Narses would not accept that plan.

The plan to re-assert imperial control over Italy and reunite the Roman Empire could start falling apart. Let's see how these conflicts played out, starting tomorrow.

The First Siege of Rome

King Vitiges of the Ostrogoths besieged Rome, that had been taken and inhabited by the Byzantine forces of Justinian I, led by General Belisarius. Rome had not even put up a fight against Belisarius, so there had been no attack and no damage to the walls.

The Ostrogoth forces besieged Rome for an entire year without success, from March 537 to March 538. They couldn't take down the walls, and Belisarius did not have enough soldiers to leave Rome and attack the army surrounding them.

In April 537, an army of 1600 Huns and Slavs hired by Constantinople approached, capturing towns behind the Goths' siege. An additional 5000 men in November gave the Byzantine army the advantage of numbers. The Byzantine navy prevented the Goths from getting more supplies by sea.

Additionally, 2000 Byzantine cavalry had attacked and captured the town of Ariminum (modern Rimini), which was so near the Gothic capital of Ravenna that Vitiges abandoned the siege of Rome to head back north to protect the seat of his power.

On the way north, he reinforced towns and forts. Belisarius had sent word to John, his commander at Ariminum, to replace the cavalry with infantry, thinking they would be sufficient to hold the town, and bring the cavalry elsewhere. John refused the order, but did not have enough supplies to withstand a long siege, which Vitiges' forces set up.

A meeting of Belisarius with his other commanders who brought reinforcements discussed the Ariminum situation. There was debate about allowing John to fail due to his insubordination. Belisarius and others were willing to allow John to suffer, but General Narses pointed out that a Gothic victory would be bad for morale, so the Byzantine army in two parts moved to surround the Gothic siege of Ariminum. Vitiges saw that he might be surrounded by the enemy, and chose to abandon Ariminum and retreat to Ravenna.

Things looked good for the Byzantine reconquest of Italy, but the Ariminum incident caused a rift in the army between Belisarius and Narses. Before we continue with the Gothic Wars, let's look at a problem that might have led to failure.

The Gothic Wars

Whatever the catalyst was—murder of his friend Amalasuintha, or just a desire to avenge Rome and Romans against the Goths—Byzantine Emperor Justinian I decided it was time to re-assert control over the western provinces of the once-mighty Roman Empire.

Justinian had recently recovered much of North Africa from the Vandals. That military action in 533 had been swift under his general Belisarius, and he hoped for a similar outcome in Italy. He also prepared by sending gifts of gold to the Frankish rulers, hoping they would not interfere.

Justinian sent Belisarius to Sicily. He also sent Mundus to the Gothic province of Dalmatia. Mundus was a Gothic military commander who had been allied with Theodoric the Great. After Theodoric's death he allied himself with the Byzantine Empire. Mundus was mortally wounded when a large Gothic army arrived in Dalmatia. Theodahad, the current ruler of the Ostrogoths in Italy, emboldened by this victory, imprisoned the Byzantine ambassadors. Justinian sent a new leader and army that did manage to conquer Dalmatia. The Gothic army then went from Dalmatia to Italy.

Belisarius had landed with an army and navy in Sicily in 535. The conquest of Sicily was quick and easy, and Belisarius was ready to cross to Italy. Theodohad sent an offer to Justinian: have Sicily, recognize me as the ruler in Italy, and later you can have Italy.

Belisarius made good progress, heading northward and taking Naples after only three weeks, then Rome, entering through the Porta Asinaria (see illustration). Theodahad's inability to stem this tide angered his people, who deposed him and made Vitiges king in 536. Vitiges abandoned Rome for the Gothic capital of Ravenna, married Amalasuintha's daughter Matasuntha to tie himself more closely to the lineage of Theodoric the Great, and gathered a large army to march back to Rome.

Vitiges besieged Rome and the Byzantines, who did not have enough soldiers to exit the city and drive the Goths away. The siege of Rome lasted from March 537 until March 538. How it was finally broken will be told tomorrow.

Amalasuintha

The Ostrogothic prince Eutharic took as his wife Amalasuintha, daughter of Theodoric the Great. Eutharic was in line to succeed Theodoric as king of the Ostrogoths, but he died too soon. After Theodoric died, however, Eutharic's and Amalasuintha's son Athalaric became king.

There was a bit of a problem that the Ostrogoths had with Amalasuintha, however. When Theodoric died in 526, Athalaric (516 - 534) was only 10 years old, and so Amalasuintha as regent wielded the real power in the kingdom.

Although it was an Ostrogothic kingdom, Amalasuintha was raising her son with Roman education and customs. She was a friend of and influenced by Byzantine Emperor Justinian I. Grammar, rhetoric, languages and studying the classics was being stressed, rather than military training and learning Gothic customs and history. A carved diptych from about 530 shows her along with Athalaric, portraying the equal importance she gave to their public roles. There is a bust on the Capitoline Hill thought to possibly be Amalasuintha (see illustration).

Athalaric started partying and drinking heavily. In 533, after a particularly large celebration, the rumor started that he was ill. He died in October 534 from (it is assumed) excessive drinking and diabetes.

With no clear successor, Amalasuintha arranged a consortium of regents to make it appear that she was sharing power publicly, but privately she still held the reins. She ruled as queen, and named her cousin Theodahad (a nephew of Theodoric) as a co-ruler, hoping that having a male alongside would look better.

Theodahad did not agree with Amalasuintha's pro-Roman approach to governing, however. He was a member of the Gothic aristocracy, with a very different idea of how to rule the kingdom. Amalasuintha executed some people whom she thought threatened her power. She also demeaned Theodahad, forcing him to return some lands in Tuscany that he had taken by force.

Eventually, Theodahad had her removed from power and imprisoned on an island in Lake Bolsena in central Italy. On 30 April 535, while she was bathing, she was murdered. Some scholars believe that the murder was arranged by Justinian's wife, Theodora, because she thought Amalasuintha was a love rival. Others claim it was done solely to create a context for Justinian to attack the Ostrogoths and try to annex much of Italy.

In fact, Justinian did launch the Gothic War as a result, so I guess we should talk about that next (and find out what happened to Theodahad). See you tomorrow.

Burgundian Wars

The sons of Clovis saw Burgundy as a target. Sigismund of Burgundy (c.475 - 524) became king in 516. His father, Gundobad, had slain Chilperic II of Burgundy in 493. Chilperic's daughter was Clotilde, who married Clovis I, King of the Franks, and had four sons.

Those sons inherited parts of the Frankish kingdom, and now Clotilde wanted revenge on Sigismund for his father's murder of her father. She persuaded her sons— kings Chlodomer, Childebert I, Clothar I, and Theuderic I—to invade Burgundy in 523 and depose Sigismund (who was their cousin).

Sigismund tried to flee disguised as a monk, but he was found by Chlodomer and beheaded. The widow and children were killed. Sigismund's body was thrown into a well. The body was retrieved in 535, and a chapel built on the site of the well. A village and monastery of St. Sigismund developed there. The illustration shows a reliquary with relics of Sigismund. 

Sigismund's brother Godomar rallied the army and called on an ally, Theodoric the Great, King of the Ostrogoths. Together they drove the Frankish army out of Burgundy.

When the successor of Theodoric the Great, Athalaric, died in 534, a succession crisis gave the Franks another opportunity to invade Burgundy, since they were not being protected by the Ostrogoths. Burgundy was being administered by Amalasuintha (495 – 30 April 535), Athalaric's mother, for the next year.

Amalasuintha was not popular; it was felt that she raised Athalaric in a way that was counter to the Gothic culture She brought in a co-ruler, Theodahad, in order to help assuage the objections to her rule, but it didn't really help. Why, and what her fate was, will be tomorrow's post.

St. Cloud

Clodoald (522 - c.560CE) was (along with Theodebald and Gunthar) one of the three sons of King Chlodomer of Orléans. When Chlodomer was killed during an expedition against the Burgundians, his sons were taken in by their grandmother, Clotilde.

They were all very young, but as heirs to Orléans, they were an obstacle to anyone who wanted to take over Orléans. One of the people who wanted to rule Orléans was their uncle, Chlodomer's brother Clothar I. Clothar, King of Soissons, sent a messenger to Clotilde bearing a sword and scissors, telling her that the boys needed to be shorn and made monks, or killed. She refused, so Clothar took the matter into his own hands, stabbing Theodebald and Gunthar.

Clodoald, however, escaped. Hidden by members of the household and smuggled away, he found safety with Bishop Remigius of Rheims (c.437 – 13 January 533), who had baptized Clodoald's grandfather Clovis I. Clodoald became a pupil of St. Severin of Paris, a hermit who lived on the banks of the Seine.

From Severin Clodoald learned monastic ways. At the age of 20 he went to the Bishop of Paris and members of the royal family, allowing his hair to be cut. Clothar realized he was not going to be a threat to  Clothar's possession of Orléans, and let him live out his life in peace.

After Severin's death, Clodoald left the hermitage and went to Provence, where many came to see him, believing he had a gift of healing. (This idea may have come from his being of royal birth. The idea that a king's hands could heal seems to have started with his grandfather, Clovis. See this post.) After 11 years in Provence, he returned to Severin's hermitage where he was gladly received.

In 551 he was ordained a priest by Bishop Eusebius of Paris, but the praise and attention he received from performing his public duties was too much for his mild nature, and he decided to retreat to the quiet life along the Seine in a place that is now the commune of Saint-Cloud. There he built a church in honor of St. Martin of Tours. Eventually this grew to a monastery, endowed with gifts given him by his uncles. He died on 7 September 560.

Legend says that miracles took place around his tomb. He was quickly canonized. His feast day is 7 September. Towns in Florida, Minnesota, and Wisconsin are named St. Cloud after the French town St. Cloud.

Let's go back and see what Clothar was up to during these years.

Clothar's Conquests

When King Hermanfrid of Thuringia offered part of Thuringia to Theuderic if Theuderic would help him defeat Hermanfrid's brother and co-ruler Baderic, Theuderic agreed. During the conflict that followed, Hermanfrid reneged on the deal, and Theuderic (having been wounded in fighting), asked his brother, Clothar I, to carry on. This was in 531.

As it happened, Hermanfrid was also wounded in the fighting and died, at which point Clothar decided the goal was simply to conquer Thuringia and add it to his Frankish territory. Clothar managed this with the help of his nephew, Theuderic's son, Theudebert I. Part of the spoils of war was Radegund, Hermanfrid's niece. Her "possession" was debated, but Clothar took her, raised her, and eventually married her.

Clothar's brother King Chlodomer of Orléans had been killed in 524 and Chlodomer's sons given to their grandmother to raise. Clothar wanted Orléans for himself, and in 532, along with the fourth brother, Childebert, offered the sons a choice: monastic life, or no life. They did this by sending to the grandmother a messenger who carried scissors and a sword. The ultimatum was either cut their hair and become monks, or die. (Just to be clear, the grandmother in question was Clothar's and Childebert's own mother, Clotilde!)

The three boys, Theodebald, Gunthar, and Clodoald, were not even teenagers yet. Clotilde was aghast and said she would rather see her children dead than shorn. (The Merovingians felt long hair was a sign of kingship. Cutting off a man's hair made him unsuitable for the position.) She refused.

Clothar and Childebert needed to take matters into their own hands, so they went to the boys. Clothar stabbed Theodebald. Gunther fell at Childebert's feet and pleaded for his life. Childebert almost relented, so Clothar stabbed the boy. (see illustration) Clodoald escaped, having been hidden by people of Clotilde's household.

There are lots of moving parts to this story, like what happened to Clodoard? I'll tell you more next time.

Radegund

Radegund (c.520 – 13 August 587) was another wife of Clothar I. She was a princess, daughter of Bertachar, a king of Thuringia who co-ruled with his two brothers, Hermanfrid and Baderic (Baderic was the father of two of Clothar's wives).

The co-rule was far from peaceful. Hermanfrid killed Bertachar and took Radegund into his household. Hermanfrid made an alliance with King Theuderic of the Franks to share Thuringia, and together they defeated Baderic. Hemanfrid then went back on his word to share with Theuderic, who then went to Thuringia in 531 with Theuderic's brother, Clothar. They defeated Hermanfrid and Clothar took Radegund (then a pre-teen) back to Gaul. Clothar had her educated in Picardy until 540, when he married her.

Radegund was a Roman Catholic, whereas Clothar was a Chalcedonian Catholic. Chalcedonians upheld the 451 decree that Christ had two distinct, unconfused natures (human and divine) in one person. Radegund (tradition says) wanted to be a martyr, and marriage may not have suited her—especially to a man who had been an enemy of her people. They had no children. In 545 when Clothar killed the last surviving male member of the Thuringian royal family, Radegund fled to the bishop of Noyon, asking to be ordained as a deaconess.

She founded the monastery of Sainte-Croix in Poitiers, living under the Rule for Virgins of Cæsarius of Arles. It was named Sainte-Croix for a relic of the True Cross that she had obtained from Byzantine Emperor Justin II. (There was some controversy about the relic. The bishop of Poitiers refused the ceremony to install it in her monastery, but Sigebert I of Austrasia sent the bishop of Tours instead to make it happen. The hymn Vexilla regis prodeunt ("the royal banner goes forward"), sung on Good Friday, Palm Sunday, and at the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, was one of the hymns composed specifically for this ceremony by Venantius Fortunatus (c.530 – c. 600/609).

Radegund was an extreme ascetic, eating only legumes and green vegetables and drinking only water.

She is believed to be the author of a couple of poems originally ascribed to Venantius, with whom she was close. At her death, she was buried in a church in Poitiers now called the Church of St. Radegund, where her tomb can be visited in the crypt. There are many places in France named for her, as well as five English parish churches.

But next we will return to Clothar and his post-Radegund reign.

Clothar I

The father of the four sons who were mentioned fighting each other's divided Frankish kingdoms yesterday was Clothar I (one of the four sons of Clovis I, the king who first united all the Frankish kingdoms), who also spent his adult life trying to conquer others.

The name Clothar (also Chlothar or Clotaire) means "glory." When Clovis died in 511, Clothar and his three brothers (Childebert, Chlodomer, and Theuderic) inherited parts of the kingdom. The brothers cooperated when it came to attacking surrounding territories, keeping an uneasy alliance so they did not fight each other.

The family was part of the Merovingian dynasty. Gregory of Tours is our source of much of this period of the Frankish kingdoms. He tells us that Clothar had children by more than one woman. He first married his brother Chlodomer's widow, Guntheuc. Chlodomer had been killed in a raid on Burgundy. Chlodomer and Guntheuc had three sons, who were taken in by Clothar and Childebert supposedly to be raised, but what the two really wanted was to eliminate the boys' chances of inheriting their dead father's kingdom. Two of the boys were killed; the third escaped, shaved his head, and became a monk.

Guntheuc did not have any children with Clothar, who (after her death in 532) married his mistress Ingund, daughter of King Baderic of Thuringia. Four of their six children would become kings or queens.

Ingund asked Clothar to find a suitable husband for her sister, Aregund. The most suitable husband Clothat could find was himself, and he entered into a polygamous relationship with the two sisters. Perhaps he hoped that all of Thuringia's lines of succession would fall to him eventually (they didn't). With Aregund he had one son.

An interesting note about Aregund. A sarcophagus has been identified as Aregund's, and the remains examined. The details suggest she had a child at the age of 18 (not unusual; 15 was marriage age for Frankish women). Osteoarchaeology also determined that she had a limp and likely suffered from poliomyelitis. This would have made her seem less suitable for marriage, and may be why Ingund was so worried about Aregund getting a husband.

Ingund died by 546, and Clothar seems to have lost interest in Aregund, but he had another wife, their cousin Radegund. Tomorrow we will learn her story as his queen.